Micro Level Trends – Brazil's Automotive Sector – “Brazil 66”...Sixty Six Years of Economic Power Lifting (Part 4.5)

(Prior to this weblog's continuation, a message of condolence to all affected by the recent air-crash reported in Colombia, that took the lives of Brazilian football players, staff, journalists and crew).


The previous section highlighted how the apparent ideal of nurturing a truly indigenous auto sector would provide an avenue toward notional national independence.

However, it was also recognised from the late 19^th century onwards that Brazil would not fulfil its broad economic potential if their was sole reliance upon Brazilian assets and its generally inferior domestic technical capabilities.

As with elsewhere previously, steam-power, rail-roads, the internal combustion engine and electrical generation massively progressed the commodities based economic miracle in the period, with similar advancements simultaneously transforming Japan (which like Brazil gained much from German, and American, cross-fertilization.

But it would be the speed and leap-frog economic gains of German, Italian and Japanese post-WW2 reconstruction, assisted by capitalism, more efficient methods and new technologies that would serve as the continued development template.

And although Brazil had not been decimated – indeed it partially thrived in comparison – those revolutionary changes to the broad economies elsewhere in commerce and the populace's much improved quality of life, could not be ignored.

Yet likewise, to avoid absolute dependence, there had to be a cultivation of indigenous assets and capabilities, those resources that were physical, technological and intellectual.

Thus, although Brazil quite understandably sought to delineate a degree of self-independence, as exemplified by hydro-electric power and ethanol fuels (their low eco-impact and cost-savings indisputable compared to the immense gains) the fact remains that beside such engrained knowledge of such disciplines, up until the beginning of the 21^st century Brazil's own internal capabilities had lagged behind, specifically in both:

1. advanced technology creation (Autos to IT to Aero)

2. the mass-manufacture of mid-value and high-value, complex products and services

The astounding advancement of the USA, Europe, Japan and South Korea across the respective breadth of the 20^th century, promoted by technical research backed by capitalism, meant that up until the 1990s the so called BRICs had become even greater laggards to the Old West and New East. (Indeed the commercial confluence of both 'supercharged' that development).

Thus whilst always promoting nationalism, all the past and present governments of Brazil have recognised the advantage of international relationships, and obviously sought to broaden its capture of the add-value ladder, from base mineral and agricultural commodities (mined and farmed with greater scale efficiencies using foreign equipment or IP) through to self-eduction into the realms of such disciplines as low construction cost cars in the 1960s, and fifty years on, 'digitally intelligent cities' today.

Most pertinently, whilst the geography and spirit of of Rio de Janeiro, Brazilia and The Amazon are the merged face of Brazil to outsiders, undoubtedly it was the automobile that enabled and altered life so much that it became central to the developmental spirit and so true persona of Brazil.

Undoubtedly it was the snowball and avalanche impact of GM's and Ford's trucks, VW's Fusca / Micro-bus / Brasilia / Gol and FIAT's 147 / Uno / Palio that instigated the developmental ambition; spanning much from B2B research and development through to B2C modernised retail models and much expanded consumer financing through to C2C brand-centric tribal affiliations.

Thus whilst vehicles like the Brasilia Gol or Palio may appear identifiably Brazilian, it was globalisation that enabled such nationalistic creations.

6. Multi-National Companies and Globalisation

As now well recognised, the economic boom of the 1990s founded upon the commodities super-cycle, led to MNC's and domestic producers considerably expand consumer choice, from FMCG to 'big-ticket' items.

Aspirational everyday brands, the uptake of widespread auto-ownership and the later gradual but prolific impact of internet have together altered the commercial and social landscape of Brazil; the country had at last once again “has come into its own” by the turn of the millennium.

However, the foundations of such economic success had, in part, been formed by the industrial rationalisation effect of the far more austere 1980s. It was in that era that VW and Ford recognised the need to combat FIAT's growing success, creating 'AutoLatina' to do so.

AutoLatina -

This was in essence a four-part Joint Venture between the seperate operating companies of VW and Ford in Brazil and Argentina - 51% was held by VW and 49% by Ford.

Obviously created to effectively minimize costs across the board whilst maintaining a feasible Brazilian and Argentinian market presence in cars and trucks during what were problematic times.

Mutually beneficial product substitution was the prime focus via a necessary strategy of cross-companies 'badge engineering'. To this end in the cars realm we saw:

1. the European derived 'B2' Passat introduced in 1984 was given an extended life as the first JV vehicle in 1991, badged as VW Passat and Ford Verseilles/Royale (sedan/estate); with facelifts in 1994 and 1998. It was discontinued in 2002, thus giving 18 years service.

2. the European Ford Orion used as the platform basis for vehicles named the Ford Verona and VW Apollo, sold between 1989 and 1993.

3. the newer Escort (Mk V) used between 1993 and 1996 for the new Ford Escort and VW Pointer and 2-door VW Logus

It must also be recognised that 'AutoLatina' was established with not just the Brazilian and Argentinian markets in mind, but as the hub for broader cost-controlled exposure to the rest of Latin America. It was understood that these mainstream vehicles could remake the names of VW and Ford in the Southern and Central Americas; offering good quality (though not cheap) cars with pricing constraint helped by high volumes, even if the individual markets themselves at the time were relatively small.

The creation of 'AutoLatina' allowed the Wolfsburg and Detroit partners to appreciably drive down costs through either the much longer length of a product's lifespan, as with the near two decades of the 'B2' Passat/Verseilles', or by utilising the 'Global Car' ideal and so international economies of scale, as with both Passat and Escort.

[NB the 'B2' Passat gained enormous scale economies, and so worldwide pricing flexibility, precisely because of its voluminous manufacture in China, where it became the de facto trusted vehicle by taxi drivers, government and wealthier families of the period].

This expansive and pervasive approach to 'baton down the hatches' during recessionary times allowed for the latter-day enlarged revenues of the 1990s to be immediately injected into operational and strategic re-expansion projects aswell as the 'bottom line'. So providing for: availability of more product types, the part-corporate financing of new franchise dealerships, much improved press and TV marketing, growth in cross-departmental headcount and critically decent reward for shareholders at both the local level and the parental firms.

Lasting until 1994, the JV's 'concentration of contraction' provided the basis for the impressive corporate rebounds as strong and continually strengthening de-merged independent entities between the boom decades between 1994 to 2014.

In turn this generated a large multiplier effect for local, regional national and pan-LatAm economies, the greater advantage going to Brazil itself.

The next developmental revolution, that of 21^st century Information Technology, would also in great part be spawned by the globally connected local auto-sector.

The Introduction of IT Enabled Global Planning -

(ITC and CAE: CAD-CAM) -

As early adopters and advocates of IT, the automotive MNC's (Multi-National Corporations) operating in Brazil were ostensibly the initiators, vanguard and 'preachers' of IT based productivity enhancements.

Though adopted noticeably later in Brazil as a consequence of market dynamics and thus delayed need, the requirement to act quickly to respond to PESTEL change meant that in the late 1980s and early 1990s the new world of Information Technologies could be deployed to appreciably assist both the need to quench new consumer automotive needs and to (in of itself) create new value-added services which appeared higher up the value chain.

That embraced electronic age allowed Brazil to leap into a new era of product research, design, development, manufacture, distribution and retail. It was as if internal development capabilities of the sector – and thereafter other sectors - had suddenly shifted from that of the 1960s into the seeming 2000s; the transformation was so dramatic.

So whilst the Brasilia, Mk1 Gol and 147 Panorama are recognised by as the Brazilian 'originals', the de facto 'originators' of the highly integrated process that is modern industrial Brazilian design and build, were the Mk2 VW Gol, the localised FIAT Uno and the Palio.

It was these vehicle programmes that properly captured the advantages of the then new digital age, as the new and burgeoning research and development centres used new age communuications equipment – from the fax machine to the super-computer and a myriad of international satellite servers and terminals – to revolutionise the design-development process of Brazilian made cars.

The result was that Computerised Aided Design, Computer Aided Engineering and Computer Aided Manufacturing was absorbed far quicker in Brazil than previously seen elsewhere, where it had had to be learned 'first hand' and as the IT disciplines themselves slowly emerged.

Instead after the year 2000 the combination of both social trends and corporate competitiveness rapidly changed the country's industrial landscape. The conjuncture between a younger tech-savvy workforce able to learn quickly and proficiently (so themselves technologically accomplished) and the need for EM located corporate divisions to better technologically align themselves with typically more advanced IT capabilities at their HeadQuarters, meant that the pace of change was unprecedented.

[NB it must be recognised herein that those tech-aware youngsters were usually the fortunate sons and daughters of the old (ie bureaucrat) middle classes. And that the majority of such IT learning – in Engineering and Design at least - was not from colleges / universities (themselves with only basic IT ) but whilst within the corporations themselves].

The foreign auto-producers themselves recognised (and still recognise) that then, as now, and into the near future, it is they who must take on the role as primary educator.

Nevertheless, as seen, such enthusiastic young people were able to quickly learn those digitally based processes and methods that had themselves been created in the USA, France and Germany; from the pan-departmental use of Microsoft's Office (in American English and Portugese) to Engineering's use of Dassault System's CATIA and AUTODESK to NX CAM from Siemans.

[NB the larger global providers such as Dassault and Siemans long since expanding their integration into corporate methods by offering much expanded Product Lifecycle Management IT beyond design, engineering and manufacturing, to span the full value chain from raw material to recycling or disposal].

For the Brazilian divisions of both the major volume vehicle producers and their locally based domestic and international supply-chain, by the mid 1990s Product Development process itself had transformed. From that of previously being ostensibly 'serial' (ie the secondary re-engineering of a European platform, as with Uno) to the truly 'parallel' (ie the simultaneous engineering of a complimentary EM platform, as with Palio).

Globally reaching IT had enabled the decades-long ambition of creating congruent yet necessarily altered product offerings from a component set with high degree of commonality in as quick a time as possible.

That allowed for greater correlation to the ideal of more accurate Product Planning which in turn allowed for better Manufacturing Planning, whereby the higher scale of manufacturing volumes could be used to drive down Procurement costs, whilst speedier Engineering Development (itself increasingly computerised with 'digital mules' etc) also ensured greater internal cost efficiencies, from manpower to capital expenditures.

However, this IT advantage was initially approached differently from within the respective VW and FIAT empires.

The VW Gol Mk2 of 1994 was an update version of the previous BX platform, with much change in a lengthened wheelbase and more curvaceous exterior. Thus VW's ideological approach to digital technology investment was effectively about altering and honing much of the given 'carry-over' sub- structure to further amortise the costs of in-place tooling and equipment.

This lesser demand of its digital processes meant that it could 'up-skill' the back-end of its Brazilian engineering workforce, to ensure a more seamless transition between the Product Engineering and Manufacturing Engineering functions, especially regards the increasingly important issue of cosmetic appearance, 'fit and finish' etc. Thus instead of re-inventing the fundamental 'wheel' (the complete platform itself) instead better to improve the customer's perception of a quality vehicle. This then points to a high degree of 'answerable autonomy' in the period by Volkswagen do Brasil.

In contrast on the new Palio of 1996, FIAT Automoveis was required to wholly harmonise with the Global Product Planning, Design and New Programme functions in Turin, Italy. To maximise the competitive gains super-computing could bring, in time / speed / quality, it was believed that the EM dedicated Palio must be created with as broad a geographic input as possible to ensure the vehicle's capability and thus brand credibility. Furthermore it would allow the programme to be run

in sync with its AM segment siblings so as to contrast and compare engineering solutions for relative performance and cost. The programme was named the “Project 178” and would essentially be “all new” itself subtly mechanically altered for specific variants (hatchbacks, sedan, estate/wagon and 'ute') which would cater for a myriad of different customer types and respective needs.

The enormous co-opted and mutual learning from HQ in Italy on Palio was a vital stepping stone toward the successful time-cost-quality execution for the later “all-Brazilian” Novo Uno introduced in 2010. As the replacement for the old (and near legendary) Uno it was expected be an “Uno +” and the 'novo' (new) model was indeed so. It had to be bigger and stronger to meet the needs of volume-hungry users (for loads and feeling of spaciousness) and to still be able to tackle the outer and upper geographical reaches of Brazil, broad LatAm and the Rest of the World.

As such its regional research regards use and marketing was the most comprehensive ever, as was the prototype and 'first-off' test regime. Thus where as previously Brazilian NPD familiarity had been regards structural and aesthetic quality, and the match to manufacturing, the Novo Uno project would see greater engineering research (from normative competitor tear-down to far more 'in the field' user demands), so melding greater marriage of Marketing Research, Design Research and Engineering Research.

The other local MNC's of Ford and GM similarly sought to deploy IT and more relative to their specific strategic market and product lifecycle requirements, with a likewise snow-balling of Reasearch and Development capabilities as ambitions grew greater over time to meet a much expanding market, competitive threats and consumer expectations.

Thus GM do Brasil introduced it in the VW manner when re-skinning Corsa as the upgraded Celta, concentrating upon the 'back-end' of the project to create an improved quality vehicle with considerations of shut-lines, 'A' surfaces, interior and exterior plastics etc.

Expanding the local Engineering team at the turn of the century allowed GM do Brasil to create a joint development project for a small MPV with GM-Opel in Germany. The result was the Meriva Mk1 of 2003, which whilst luke-warmly received in Europe provided the Brazilian young family with the near-perfect motoring solution. This project was the big IT and Quality learning curve for GM Brasil.

However, the toward the end of Meriva's lifecycle GM do Brasil recognised the need to create a true EM orientated product, better suited to other less developed countries than Meriva, and enlarged to enable 7 seats and create a “Zafira for the EM-world”. Again its Engineering capabilities grow significantly as it sought to self develop the new Spin, launched in 2012 in Brazil and simultaneously produced in Indonesia as of 2014.

Ford do Brasil's first efforts at a self developed vehicle was the modification of the European Ka (Mk1) launched locally in 2003. This the primary 'localisation' effort was the alteration of the rear hatch and lamp housings, so allowing the then relatively small engineering staff to undertake small acclimatisation design projects across the span of: sheet metal (inner and outer), plastics and glass. This also allowed for improved local supplier input and relationships, and was key to establishing the next far more locally important Ka (Mk2).

The new Ka of 2008 was effectively a Brazilian designed model so requiring a large 'ramp-up' in engineering talent for its development. This model fundamentally altered over its predecessor in size, engine capacity and additional seating, so as to move up a segment from the A-segment into the B-segment. In design and engineering terms this was Ford do Brasil's 'Independence Day' leading to its becoming 'on-par' (in terms of functions if not scale) with the Development centres in the USA, Europe and Australia by 2010 or so. (Indeed the European division had undertaken a JV with FIAT using the 500 base for its small Ka replacement in 2009).

In 2014 the new Brazilian Ka (Mk3) was launched, appreciably bigger that its European-designed cousin it was derived from the old generation Fiesta, and with a broader span of engine capacities and fuel types, this model demonstrates the world-class skills of the Brazilian design and engineering teams. Reckoned to be a good-value proposition for Europe aswell it has recently arrived as 'Ka+', to expand the entry level offering.

Thus as we see, though still closely connected to their respective HQ's, the Brazilian arms of FIAT, VW, GM and Ford have adroitly illustrated themselves as the curent deep-knowledge centres of EM attuned global 'converged product' engineering.

Paving the Way into Global Automakers -

Brazil's entrepreneurial realists recognise the fact that in an ever more trade connected world with ever greater consumer information about product quality (born from costly research and development), and critically the increasingly inter-connected web of capital markets, that trying to beat the world's entrenched, massive and powerful major auto-makers is a “fool's errand”.

Failed attempts with the likes of Malaysia's Proton and Perodua and the limited local regional success of Iran Khodro illustrate that trying to create a world-beating EM originated vehicle producer is nigh on impossible. Whilst massively supported initially, both Proton and Perodua have each stumbled to grow beyond their national boundaries in any meaningful manner, whilst, as seen, Khodro's maintains its more pragmatic method of 'badge-engineering' other's vehicles with Gol the latest incarnation of that tried and tested (if indeed overtly local) approach.

To this end, the acutely aware local entrepreneur with internationalist outlook, will instead seek to create a national brand and product(s) which will eventually be easily absorbed into a major player's vehicle portfolio.

Herein, indigenous and Regional ventures of such an ilk have come into fruiting and been promoted in the Brazilian media through news stories, dedicated 'roadshows' and advertising.

The indigenous company Troller was established in the early 1990s, with its Jeep-like T-series (now refreshed and very visually appealing in its 4^th generation) has seen success and is being heavily marketed. But its generic mid-size truck [eg Ford Ranger] the Pantanal appears to have been discontinued. Tellingly, now as a Ford unit, it is Ford Credit that is underpinning many of the Troller's sales.

Troller then depicts how indigenous companies who originate as local niche or specialists can and should be developed to, when brought under the wing of, or in association with, MNC's can provide suitably aligned targeted product to the world.

Toward the Bigger 'Value-Pyramid' of Tomorrow -

As is well known, many products sit within a broad 'pricing-pyramid'; one which encompasses a mass market price-sensitive base, a sizeable middle which balances quality and price and a top which provides premium qualities.

Half a century on from its truly tractable beginnings, Brazil has successively moved through the lowest and middling phases, with the 2000s seeing a meaningful growth in imported premium vehicles from Germany, Japan, UK and Italy.

Thus the upmost echelon (the peak) of the pricing-pyramid has also become normative for a fortunate thin slice of Brazil's entrepreneurial talent.

However, as seen with much from IT to Retail, given that globalisation has untapped much thus far, and that there remains still much future potential as a leader of the EM world and intersect with the AM world, the fact is that Brazil's complete auto-sector pyramid is set to grow larger and larger.

At its base new entrants such as exemplified by Effa Motors. Based in Uraguay it imports and rebadges a range Chinese manufactured vehicles (from differing brands) for 'finished assembly' and regional market into various Latin American countries. Recent soft-protectionist actions to deter such imports will undoubtedly succeed in the near-term to keep poor quality and copy-cat products at bay; but it seems probable that 15 years or so into the future, with improved quality and non-copies, Brazilian-Chinese and Brazilian-Indian joint ventures will be manufacturing vehicles for those people who require more affordable, low-end, mobility.

In the mid-ground, as seen from foreign interest levels, more of the European firms, Japanese and S.Korean firms will seek local production for their own 'glocal' vehicles. Albeit small, Renault's own Brazilian design team helped co-conceptualise the radical cross-over coupe 'Kwid' as an offering to a multitude of EM nations. Developed with creative input from Renault's satellite design centre in India, and first shown at the 2014 Delhi Auto Show, the well finished concept vehicle itself was obviously a PR exercise for the brand 'glocally'; and vitally a segue for the recently launched 'Kick' X-over. Others have since shown such interest to make their similar marks across EM countries. Thus the mid-ground will inevitably attract more diverse brands and products as the middle-classes re-expand in the future.

And with any such economic expansion, the first to enjoy such fruits tend to be the more wealthy, at the forefront of business themselves. This expansionary trend thus propelling the interest of premium and luxury car-makers. So at the peak of the price-pyramid many a premium manufacturer has highlighted intent to enter Brazil for 'glocal' production purposes, able to enjoy expanding national and export markets, whilst gaining from a typical lower cost of labour; especially necessary for so called 'crafts-people tasks'. Jaguar-Land Rover seeks to massively expand its presence (as illustrated by its PR efforts of in-car celebrity coverage at Interlagos and around Sao Paulo). Its mix of luxury/status, AWD and security obviously seen to prime attributes the wealthy seek.

And likewise VW has seen great success with its expansion of Audi and Porsche into Brazil and LatAm, similarly Mercedes-Benz and BMW, with FIAT seeking Maserati, Ferrari and Alfa-Romeo's expansion in the markets. (These buoyed by the existence of Argentina's Pur Sang Cars which makes exact replicas of yesteryear marque icons such as the A-R 8C). As wealth grows so will the consumer base for luxury goods companies (including the now embraced “things automotive”). Under this idiom, if deemed suitable and profitable, Aston-Martin could indeed set-up yet another new assembly plant (for CKD kits) from Wales to Brazil.

To Conclude -

To end, the point is that even though the Brazilian government is seemingly becoming more protectionist so as to re-direct the possible outward flow of investment monies back into the country – and especially toward higher-value activities – the fact remains that historically Brasilia has well recognised the importance of the connected globalised economy.

So as to provide very necessary commercial diversity that can further strengthen its already broad interests from base raw materials right through to scientific instruments and services. And moreover, foreign automotive input has always played a leading role, whether policy was notionally written as 'closed-door' or 'open-door'.

An analogy is that of F1 driver Felipe Massa's recent (and abrupt but very gracious) retirement.

Just as one door apparently closes so another (closely connected) opens. Thus it would be good to see Senhor Massa become an Ambassador for Brazil's future technological aspirations and efforts.

Aspirations that should be married to the technical ambitions of both domestic and foreign 'Technologists' (such as Williams', and McLaren's hi-tech divisions) and those of the bigger MNC's, so that Brazil can continue to wave its flag with grand ideals internationally.

Micro Level Trends – Brazil's Automotive Sector – “Brazil 66”...Sixty Six Years of Economic Power Lifting (Part 4.4.2)

Formula One arrived at Interlagos this weekend and Brazilian GP fans can gaze upon the re-generative hybrid power-trains mated to ultra-expensive carbon-fibre tubs and panels designed for mass, aero and impact.

Fifty-two years ago the circuit witnessed a landmark event when a DKW-Malzoni GT was rebodied in what was then the first local example of a new and revolutionary material...Glass Reinforced Plastic. 

GRP went on to provide the foundations of the small but truly indigenous Brazilian auto-sector for the next thirty years.

In today's global political climate of increasing national protectionism (as already witnessed in Brazil with new 'back-door tariffs' against inferior Chinese and Asian goods) it is useful to review the events of the past, to mould policy that obtains the best from both globalisation and self-reliance.

Given its contribution to the Brazilian economy as regards national employment and export earnings, the automotive sector deserves special governmental attention.

Economics/Ecology Within a National/Global Construct -

As explained at the beginning of this long, topic dedicated weblog, since the country's formation during the various bygone eras when Brazilian export trade contracted, and national economic fortunes likewise constrained, many believed Brazil must become both more self-sufficient and vitally raise the inherent value-added of its export base beyond high volume low earning general commodities.

This long held attitude amongst 19^th century industrialists was further prompted by the UN's ECLA (Economic Commission for Latin America) after WW1, and as seen over the last century and well recognised since WW2. Brazil quite obviously did indeed sprout a multitude of new economic tentacles to climb the added-value ladder, both at home and abroad, which now span an array of topics: from consulting services to other EM nations about its highly successful Sugar Cain derived Ethanol policy, to the use of the Rio de Janeiro template for likewise instigating web-enabled 'intelligent cities' again at home and abroad, to the its protection of the Amazon Rain Forest and a so a persona of guardian of Giai (Mother Earth).

In latter decades, and ahead of others, Brazil's considered use of its natural resources and as sympathetic as possible industrial consciousness led to eco-orientated projects, these arguably led by the enormous Itaipu hydro-electric dam which when created in 1984 providing power via twenty sub-stations for Brazil's new era of cleaner industrialisation.

As shown, that dam was the inspiration for much in the auto-industry, from the creation of a radical all- electric city-buggy, to the ability to deliver reliable and variable power to a new cohort of incoming global auto-makers, themselves beacons of Brazil's successful FDI initiatives.

Self-sufficiency became a popularist perspective, especially after the trade deprivations of WW1, WW2 and the impact of the 1973 Oil Crisis. But beyond the desire for independently produced transport fuel, by the mid 1960s Brazil also sought to create its own, necessarily alternative, passenger car and light truck solutions.

Unlike the strong rational for partial (ie blended) self-supply of transportation fuel (to absorb oil supply and price shocks) the rational behind Brazil's own wholly indigenous automotive industry has proven to be, if not faulty, then perhaps over idealistic. Though without doubt, for a period between the late 1960s and early 1990s it was a commercial goldmine thanks to propagation of the national interest.

However, although for a period there was impetus and success, the technical and scale short-comings of that necessarily alternative route would eventually become self- evident, and ultimately even what was a niche corner of the vehicle market would shrink to becoming today almost invisible.

That necessary route was of course based upon a requisite “low cost” mentality and mantra. Yet it also led to industrial learning and application which provided, for a time, national pride.

Such efforts toward new competencies should be re-ignited today as Brazil seeks to bolster its role as vanguard of EM progress and a participant in AM commercial and consumer demand.

Low Cost Vehicle Construction :

GRP (Glass Re-Inforced Plastic) and 'Plasteel'

As seen previously, the story of state-owned FNM as Brazil's 'national champion' was primarily regards heavy goods trucks and much subsidised support for likewise licensed manufacture of a premium passenger car. FNM products were essentially advanced European vehicles that had been born from the fruits of Italy's own rapid post-WW2 reconstruction era.

But the end of FNM by the early 1970s, sold to Alfa-Romeo to encourage (and succeed) in further Italian FDI, meant that (like VW, Ford and GM) truly advanced engineering would remain in the hands of the major auto-players who earned their major income elsewhere and were able to re-invest to maintain business propulsion worldwide.

Advanced Materials to Mirror Advanced Countries

Consequentially, it meant that any idea of a Brazilian-own vehicle or brand would have to be predicated upon a very different business case and associative technologies, domestic affordability right through the value-chain, from raw materials to recommended retail price, vital to commercial success at home, and possibly abroad.

Given the explicit and implicit promises made by Brasilia to incoming foreign producers, the rejuvinated homeland effort would need to target the remaining available 'white space' within the national market. In practice this meant effectively those areas which the government procurement process could plausibly favour (in the nation's interest) and a small self-created sliver of the commercial and private arenas in which the big players had no or little interest.

This inevitably reduced the home-grown to a quite specialist 'niche vehicle' sphere, and the idioms of simplicity to aid cost reduction meant the deployment of very contained capital expenditure offset and supplemented by the considerable use of cost-attuned manpower.

The business model was to be a practical adoption of the examplar 'case studies' as proven in both America and Europe, and would be based upon the extensive use of 'fibre-glass', or glass re-enforced plastics' (GRP).

Yesteryear Background -

The science behind GRP had been essentially re-born in the early 1930s in the industrial laboratories of American glass-makers, having been previously discovered in Germany, but not developed, during the 1910s. When blown with a powerful air flow, molten glass could be formed into tiny globules which themselves could be set into long strands, which in turn could be rolled-up (like the silk-making process) and/or could be set into a matted form.

[NB Both the rolled-strand and cross-overlaid mat would later inspire the creation of carbon fibre].

This mat would be laid into a mould. This could be either a single part 'female only' type, or a double part mould with both 'female' and 'male' parts brought together. After a release-agent was brush-painted into the mould the matting would (in the case of a female-only mould) be brush-painted with a cellulose based liquid so as to soak into the matting and harden in the respective new shape. For more tolerance critical objects a male-female mould would be closed and securely clamped with the matting obviously enclosed. Into this, via a small input hole, the cellulose liquid would be gravity fed or pumped, so filling up the internal chamber and fully soaking the fibre-glass matting.

The new object would be released and trimmed of excess material and typically painted to provide a better harder and coloured ('A-surface') finish.

The method was productionised within a limited scope in WW2 when applied to sections of aircraft fuselage and internal fittings, alongside a far greater use of transparent acrylic 'Plexiglass'. However, because of the long mould curing time, and so slow productivity rate, and the limited number of recognised applications, the GRP process had little real-world impact for US military and civilian organisations during WW2.

This would change dramatically in the post-war era, when in a new climate of advancement, cost-consciousness and experimentation, a raft of new applications were identified within firstly American and thereafter European industries – primarily across the 'hi-performance' realms of private light aircraft, private marine and performance orientated automotive.

But as seen in Brazil it was also deemed the appropriate answer to the first modern attempts of low cost transportation and zero or low emissions eco-mobility.

However, the beginnings of automotive GRP was not in the lowest social quarters, but the highest.

In the automotive realm, even though Henry Ford has experimented with soya based plastic skin panels (hoods and trunks) in the 1940s, the first prominent product was General Motors 1953 Corvette. GM's engineers and designers well recognised the popularity, attributes and relatively high price tags of the small lightweight European sports-cars that had been imported by the US military officers after WW2. Recognising that such personal cars had become badges of 'taste' amongst the 'social set' that trend could be replayed GM set about creating an all-American car in size and style but with the key attribute of European ethos regards good power to weight ratio. To be built in smaller volumes and with high sticker price, the perfect technical solution was GRP, providing relative 'feather-light' build, a rigid enough structure and critically low investment spend on moulds and jigs. When added to the standard union rates for greater man-power content, break-even would be early and thereafter profitability greater than a standard steel-bodied vehicle.

The Corvette led the way in the “GRP revolution” (akin to the carbon-fibre revolution of today) and thus as an affordable (almost by-product) material it provided the perfect solution for a plethora of other new and updated automotive names; so as to markedly bolster the European and American supply of purist dedicated motorsport vehicles and as associated 'race-bred' lineage of 'personal- performance' cars during the economic boom times of the late 1950s and 1960s.

The first to properly broadly experiment with GRP elsewhere was France's 'DB' (previously Deutsch-Bonnet, and later absorbed by MATRA),who most interestingly had impetus to understand its uses not just in motor-sport but also in popular micro-cars; even though none were ultimately manufactured.

'DB' however has the (oft overlooked) accomplishment in retailing the world's first mid-engined sportscar – the Djet - in 1962/3 using a steel backbone chassis, GRP body and Renault components. Its inherent logic of “balanced low-mass” thus set the construction formula for the De Tomaso Vallelunga a year later and the Lotus Europa 3 years later. (Similar construction materials however had been used on the 1962 Lotus Elan).

GRP thus became the de facto body solution for lower cost, lower risk business templates. It was viewed by many, from informed engineers to shady 'get rich quick' entrepreneurs, as the perfect answer in transforming the automotive arena. The product formula of far lower production costs (vs metals) and much reduced 'sprung weight' meant it could theoretically be applied across a very wide price spectrum given thanks to the created 'product attributes'. From the rarefied delights of high performance in the higher price brackets, through to the stylistically unique for middling prices, through to more affordable (often alternatively propelled) mass-mobility.

Interestingly however, the route to GRP in theoretical mass-mobility did not for the most part come directly from sportscars ('DB' the experimental exception). Instead the material underwent technology transfer from the boating industry in which it was quickly initially adopted for small rowing boats, powered dinghys, small sail-craft and thereafter motorboats, launches to speed-boats. GRP suited the basic 'tub' design of boats (requiring only a large female mould) and so was quickly taken-up.

Motorcycle side-car producers recognised this as a very suitable technical route for themselves, and thus (as with caravans) allowed for a new sub-segment of lower priced products to be made for both motorcycles and even scooters. This trend was thought to be the natural solution for micro-car producers and so the likes of Britain's 'Peel Engineering Co' amalgamated GRP and motorcycle power to create what it though would be a new generation of popular micro-cars.

However, it was perhaps only the UK's Reliant Motor Company in the 1960s onwards and later France's MicroCar Company in the 1980s onward who would gain success with GRP enabled affordable mobility. Primarily thanks to the PESTEL peculiarities of their respective home nations.

[NB Indeed MicroCar was formed because of the boat-making core competance of its parent, the Beneteau Group].

The Perfect Economic Fit -

With the high start-up costs of major auto manufacturing undertaken by, and thus dominated by, VW, GM, Ford and FIAT and the undoubted planned transfer of state ownership of FNM into the wholly private hands of Alfa Romeo, a new route for truly 'domestic automotive' was required.

The combined adequate rigidity of GRP structures in specific land, air and marine use, together with the innate flexibility of (theoretically very adaptable) associated business models thanks to low start-up costs and the adaptable nature of production provided the ideal basis for what was assumed a myriad of opportunities and spectrum of business approaches.

This would range from periodic and piece-meal manufacture for higher priced rarefied vehicles in sports and luxury segments, to the nigh on continuous relatively high output of utility type products.

Moreover, critically GRP niche production was well recognised as being the polar opposite of conventional big production. And with that came locational and re-locational advantages, with the ability – as circumstances require – to either: a) follow the low cost curve on a town by town or region by region basis (akin to globalisation), or b) take advantage of local state and municipality subsidies to attract light industry into development focused areas.

Thus it was wholly unlike a permanently fixed location of an 'in-situ' mass-manufacture vehicle plant, with required geographic proximity to high electrical power generation / feed, the closeness of its prime supply Tier 1 supplier-base and the requirement of good infrastructure to aid speedy and reliable logistics.

The innate GRP process allowed for what seemed an infinite possibility of regional development possibilities. It was then no surprise, that having seen the futuristic product advances in the US and Europe and the impact of such a business model on local areas that the Brazilian government sought to prompt commercial uptake of GRP production – it was an absolute 'wonder' as regards:

1. the myriad of shapes and sizes the material could be moulded into.

2. the differing forms that associated business models could take.

3. the positive impact upon the local economy.

In the mid 1960s Brasilia had undoubtedly, from afar and perhaps close at hand, looked at the local development impact of various examples.

These included:

USA: GM's Corvette in Bowling Green, Kentucky...Studebaker's Avanti in South Bend, Indiana.

UK: Reliant Motors' Regal production in Tamworth, Staffordshire....TVR's Grantura/Vixen production in Blackpool, Lancashire....Lotus' Elite/Elan/Europa production in Cheshunt, Hertfordshire.

France: Matra's M530 production in Romoratin-Latheny, Simca's non-productionised exploration of GRP rear panels and whole body for the 1200 coupe (which could have altered its demise) in Poissy.

And perhaps most interestingly another much changed and developing country had deployed GRP as the foundations for its own second attempt at a national car.

Turkey: Otosan Anadol's production of the A1 saloon, coupe, the P2 'ute', (and later STC-16 sports) in Istanbul (using Rootes and Ford mechanicals).

By the mid 1960s then it had become well understood that GRP dedicated manufacturing companies (ranging from cars to boats, planes to caravans, utility furniture to container silos) could have a major economic impact upon out of town areas which had been fundamentally economically altered by the mechanisation of agriculture, and had been too far geographically remote to gain from the ongoing growth of conventional town-centric and city-centric industrialisation.

Here was an industry suited to the provinces and could help soak-up the surplus of untapped labour therein, and help revitalise more rural areas.

In Europe the impetus for such innovation would consist of a typical mix of both private and state funding / subsidies, the level of the latter dependent upon the political 'big picture'.

Thus for the post Kubitschek governments in Brasilia seeking new economic platforms for the more overlooked suburbs and regions, the idea of “Plastic Cars” became a very tempting policy route.

The Past Examples -

As depicted previously, even though small in ultimate numerical output, Brazil's niche vehicle production ultimately spanned a period of just about 30 years. It was effectively opened and closed by the sporadic activities of the Puma Motor Company between 1966 and 1995; with a heyday during the 1960s and 1970s.

To recap the prime examples of GRP founded business models were:

1. Brasinca Veiculos SVT S/A – located in Sao Paulo City (1964 to 1967)

2. Puma Motores S/A – located in Matao of Sao Paulo State (1966 to 1995)

3. Gurgel Motores S/A - located in Rio Claro, Sao Paulo State (1969 to 1993)

4. Miura Motores S/A – located in Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul (1977 to 1993)

5. Lafer Motores S/A - located in Sao Paulo State (1974 to 1990)

6. Santa Matilda Industriel S/A – located in Rio de Janeiro State (1978 to 1995)

7. Farus Motores S/A – located in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais (1979 to 1990)

8. Dacon Industriel S/A – located in Sao Paulo State (1983 to 1994)

9. JPX do Brasil S/A [EBX-Auverland-Panhard] – located in Rio de Janeiro (1992 to 2002)

Each of these enterprises sought to exploit what were considered untapped potential for a majority or complete 'home-grown' Brazilian vehicle in specialist arenas.

These depict initial exploration of GRP's use on major panels with the Brasinca SVT 4200GT (a very good evocation of a truly luxurious personal car in the manner and style of its inspiration, the all-GRP Studebaker Avanti of the period), through to very speedy broad technical and commercial acceptance of the basic material for complete body structures, as per the Puma et al in sporting guise, and the early offerings from Gurgel.

Gurgel's Reactionary Pragmatism -

As shown previously, the most prolific exponent of GRP design, manufacture and in-use redesign was Gurgel Motores in Rio Claro of Sao Paulo state.

Whilst other companies were keen to direct sports-car and luxury-car efforts toward the private realm of status orientated wealthy consumers who typically themselves ran large enterprises (in industry and agriculture), Gurgel soon recognised the inherent risk of such a relatively 'high-stakes' venture dependent upon the strength of the economy and associated spending prowess.

Instead of entering such a theoretically high margin yet very competitive field, the founder (Joao Augusto Gurgel) preferred business stability to grow his vision of very functional vehicles for Brazil's self-betterment. And so pointed his firm toward the more cost conscious yet more stable and larger volume procurement needs for basic utility vehicles. These would include the Brazilian military, which would in turn give confidence to large federal organisations and regional state owned enterprises.

It seems highly likely that Gurgel was recommended this business direction by auto-sector bureaucrats, and given generous subsidies and incentives as part of the Brazilian self-sufficiency ideal, and thus had a ready-made customer base and so predetermined business case.

There is little point in recapping the previously mentioned series of vehicles that were ultimately produced, instead focus herein upon indigenous innovation the early creation of patented 'Plasteel' is highlighted.

“Plasteel” -

In itself it was hardly revolutionary, since it was long recognised by Americans and Europeans that basic GRP had strength limitations dependent upon dimensions and shape, which would typically be 'engineered around' in standard form via use of: curved corners, 'U' section channels, shallow or deep corrugation and internal 'webs'.

When such solutions were unsuited early builders could and would utilise small quantities of metal (aluminium preferable over steel) if deemed necessary to strengthen a specific portion of the moulded item. Thus 'Plasteel' was hardly new, even if marketed as such to possibly naïve Brazilian customers. Nonetheless 'Plasteel' allowed Gurgel to uprate his company's USP of light fuel efficient and relatively durable vehicles.

This came into be after the strength limitations of the basic unstrengthened material became apparent with structure failures on the second Gurgel model, the Xavante. As is the normal case with the military and many government and private users in EM countries regards pick-up trucks etc; the vehicles would be consistently overloaded to maximise their use.

[NB This would be well recognised by the Japanese (Landcruiser and Hi-Lux) and Germans (Unimog and G-Wagen) who effectively over-engineered their vehicles to absorb additionally high expections. Joao Gurgel would learn through experience].

Historically GRP has had very limited applications for military vehicle use, effectively restricted to only necessarily lightweight and highly mobile reconnaissance vehicles and as half-tonne load carriers. Given this limitation the vast majority of the world's military fleet would be for decades conventionally engineered in steel and aluminium for performance, durability and in-the-field and motor-pool repair reasons. That metal construction typical for a plethora of vehicle types across medium and heavy load bearing logistics vehicles (from single unique loads to freight containers), those general transport vehicles which would need to be 'up-armoured' (ie the addition of heavy armour plating) for combat zones and of course those vehicles dedicated to combat environment operations, from personnel carriers to tanks to mine-sweepers, etc.

Thus inevitably international armed forces recognised that GRP had a very useful, but very limited, role to perform regards the body structures of cross-country 'recon' buggies and as a sacrificial skin for very light, non ballistic, attacks (eg urban rioters' use of Molotov cocktails).

[NB this engrained convention only now slightly shifting with the introduction of increased carbon-fibre on task-dedicated vehicles].

However, with a keenness to appear modern and advanced, so as to grow a military export base, it is likely that 'Plasteel' was born as much from the behest of the Brazilian government and Joao Gurgel's own 'vision'.

Together Brasilia and Gurgel sought to fundamentally alter the status quo of all-metal vehicles within the 0.5 to 2 tonne 'light load' sector. And doing so because it recognised the massive international demand for basic light and efficient multi-task utility vehicles, themselves typically required in high production order numbers; 'plentiful, adaptable and cheap' the customer's mantra.

Recognising the mutual advantages and disadvantages of both GRP and steel Gurgel quite logically combined the two materials, putting steel bar, steel sheet, steel angle and steel channel as specifically placed substrates in the high stress areas of the vehicle's GRP 'tub'.

Thus whilst 'Plasteel' was hardly a true innovation, it did provide a sizeable increase in the durability of Gurgel's plastic-bodied vehicles so adding to their capabilities, lifespan and so ultimately general reputation.

'Plasteel' would thereafter feature in Gurgel's multi-passenger and load-lugging VW powered light trucks, vans and 'maxi-taxis'.

The End of the Indigenous 'GRP' Era -

Joao Gurgel's company had been the prime beneficiary of Brazil's protectionist stance from the late 1960s through to the early 1990s. Throughout this time, under the 'closed door' ethos to major foreign influence, Brazil had led Latin America in terms of its self-sufficiency political thinking.

The likes of its 'Pro-Alcool' Ethanol Fuel programme informed other suitably apt countries in South American and elsewhere to adopt or explore a similar strong domestic stance (including early introduction in the USA). And Gurgel did indeed gain export success to neighbouring countries – often with a heavy Socialist bent - who likewise had been reliant upon cheap low quality imported petroleum and thus, for greater independence, likewise sought fuel efficient utility service vehicles made in in South America.

But whilst Gurgel Motores had been thriving, by the late 1980s the winds of PESTEL change were to alter the Brazilian and LatAm environment. The erosion and eventual fall of Soviet Communism whose trade deals and finances had helped prop-up portions of Latin America had an enormous economic ripples.

Via cinema, TV and radio the peoples of Brazil and much of LatAm had seen much of The West and The East enjoy standards of living far in advance of themselves. And simultaneously inevitably viewed their own Communist-Socialist leaders as being in reality part of a collusive elitist set who themselves enjoyed the fruits of commercial monopoly in various sectors. Thus to this day Joao Gurgel himself (as with many other middle-men, merchants and industrialists) is deemed to have gained far too much government largess for too little real socio-economic return.

Instead, into the 1990s that 'closed world' diminished and Brazil substantially altered its ISI policy to allow the importation of usually better designed and manufactured world-class goods; vehicles the leading examples which illustrated how Brazil had in effect been stuck in its own time-warp for at least a decade and a half if not longer.

Into that vacuum that was Soviet collapse - and the resultant re-orientation away from an insular relationship with LatAm and Central American cohort countries – came the rest of the world: the Americans, Europeans, Japanese, South Koreans and the Chinese. Each came offering either better technologies or cheaper goods, often supported by strong stable and cheaper external financing to lubricate the Re-Globalistion process for Brazil.

The Ongoing Economic Re-Balancing Act -

Donald Trump's Presidential win has political and economic commentators on tenter-hooks about the real outcomes of his apparent very protectionist mindset. That in turn has created a domino effect amongst other nations regards a sizeable sway toward economic self-interest and self-reliance.

But let us remember that even in the midst of Brazil's 1950s Import Substitution Industrial policy it sought to retain the likes of already invested Ford and GM, and extended an invitation to the most apt foreign providers of suitable vehicles VW and later FIAT.The world itself, and the auto-industry specifically, is far too globalised to consider fundamental protectionist change. It was the case seventy years ago and it remains more so today.

However that should not halt Brazil from undertaking its own indigenous research, development and even low level production of 'advanced vehicles' in its own image. Perfecting such a vision to offer the world something new.

An ecologically sound recyclable lightweight material that performs far better than GRP but costs far less than carbon-fibre to produce would be perfect. Brazil extolled the virtues of ethanol for self-sufficiency and affordability and it gave that to the EM world.

It might be able to do the same with vehicles themselves.

...........................................................................................................................

In the 1980s-excess zeitgeist revealing book and film 'American Pyscho' the main character asks “is that Donald Trump's car?” Decades later the mass populace will echo those very words as Trump rides within the armour protected leviathan that is the Presidential 'Beast'.

How refreshing it would be to have a future Brazilian President riding in a very different animal, one of Brazil's own creation which offers revolutionary eco-technology to the world.

Micro Level Trends – Brazil's Automotive Sector – “Brazil 66”...Sixty Six Years of Economic Power Lifting (Part 4.4.1)

Illustrated thus far has been an indepth review of the macro backdrop and micro economic dynamics of the prime issues and agents respectively behind and within the Brazilian automotive sector.

As seen, the drive for national economic development has been intrinsically linked to both outward -facing global trade and inward-facing self reliance, successive advisors and governments seeking to best balance the country's own national and regional development progress, critically promoting suitable industrial learning and associative technological prowess when deemed necessary.

5. Indigenous Development – Technologies

Transport Fuel :

Ethanol

As a commodity and agriculturally rich nation, ever since the introduction of the internal combustion engine the scientists and thought leaders of Brazil had been frustrated that like the imported vehicles, the fuel used to operate those trucks and cars was likewise imported.

It was deemed irrational that Brazil's foreign trade was largely premised upon the exportation of low-value food-stuffs and minerals, and low US$ per tonne, whilst importing both high cost finished goods and highly processed / refined oils.

This imbalance started to shift in the late 1940s with the beginnings of the national oil state company Petrobras.

However, the production of a highly flammable and (thus, when contained), very explosive liquid through a filtration and or distillation process had been known ever since the Mayans and Aztecs, primarily derived from the sugar-rich pods and beans of mid-altitude shrubland plants (the agave and mezquite best known for tequila and mesquite alcoholic drinks). As required such 'preparations' were used to both provide a source of light, by soaking a candle wick in the liquid (akin to a European a tallow candle from animal fat) and when ingested for euphoric purposes during social celebrations.

This knowledge had been absorbed by the European intelligensia by the early 19^th century, and by the late 19^th century the impressive scientific research establishments and associated laboratories of Germany and the US had used the similar whisky and bourbon filtration and distillation process to create a very stable and critically repeatable output.

However, unlike the bartering methods of the Mayans and Aztecs for such basics, the basic costs and time-scale of the process were high and lengthy compared to the specific energy output received. Instead the refining and distillation efforts were directed to the high energy density of the new 'black gold': the underground, typically deep sub-strata oil.

Moreover, deep-drilled oil was glutinous and composed (quite literally) of a range of chemicals that could each be refined to produce varying degrees of purity, relative to required cost and required character. In short, oil had far greater inherent 'added-value' given the range of applications than a highly purified alcohol.

Thus by the early 20^th century it was believed, and globally propagated by the far advanced West, that grain and bean was best directed purely as foodstuff.

This allowed many producers before even the first 'major' that was Standard Oil to provide a wide range of B2B and B2C 'distillates', from glutinous grease for machine barings and shafts through to notionally 'clean-burn' lamp oil to of course the prime support behind the global introduction and widespread adoption of the motor-truck and motor-car.

However, whilst it embraced the advantages of “foreign oil” to power the increasing numbers of Fords, Dodges, Chevys on roads and John Deeres, International Harvestors and Fordsons in the fields in those early decades of the 20^th century, Brazil well recognised that its massive agri-business could and should off-set this foreign monopoly on transportation fuels.

Doing so would help provide national independence by adding to internal economic advantage, and now the often massive tracts of fallow land – often deliberately left fallow to reduce grain supply and so support prices and profitability – could be utilised to the gain of land-owner, land-workers and the country at large.

Known for years was the fact that Sugar Beat and Sugar Cane sourced sugars could be turned into alcohol, land workers having long mastered the process for alcoholically fuelled celebrations, for the cleaning of open wounds, and use as a combustible aid, such as scorching ground stubble after harvest.

Indeed, and unsurprisingly, as soon as petroleum powered mechanised tractors and trucks were imported the volumes expensive petrol and diesel would be 'stretched-out' by adding varying percentages of home-brewed grain alcohol.

[NB here in the UK, with its then very pro petroleum stance, the far smaller scale, 'problem' led to the introduction of far cheaper 'red-diesel' for farmers, for field, track and yard use only and prohibited for road transport use].

However, quite obviously for successive Brazilian governments this ongoing trend of mixed substitution was anything but a problem, and so hat internal knowledge would be put to broader and far more substantive use as part of official economic growth policy.

The more remote NE region officially first led the way in the 1910s when because of petroleum supply problems and the advantageous abundance of land and sugar cane, it was decided that local vehicles should be run on derived ethyl alcohol, the first processing plant created in 1927 and located in Algoas. The fuel used was a mix of primarily ethanol and quarter quantity of ethyl ether.

By the 1940s hundreds of trucks, cars and small rail locomotion engines were being run on the substance.

It was mandated in 1931 that 5% of sold petroleum would consist of ethanol, and to support this decision 54 processing plants built by 1945. Through the 1930s supply and use of the mixed fuel rose sharply, accounting for 7% of purchase by 1937.

Although largely neutral within WW2, the oil-wars of the Middle East and North Africa, and attacks on inbound oil ships illustrated that foreign sourced oil could all too easily become restricted; so maintaining belief in the notion of self-supply. This again boosted production and in 1945 10% of sold fuel across the country was 'alcool'.

However, the post WW2 period was that of cheap international oil and petroleum, so massively affecting the raison d'etre for self-supply; thus official production of ethanol dwindled through the 1950s and 1960s, though it was distilled unofficially and used to boost the octane rating of stored stale petroleum in deep country regions.

As previously described (regards the reasons behind the ubiquity of the VW boxer engine) for many years Brazil was 'technology-trapped' because of the lower grade quality of more affordable imported petroleum, which in more remote regions might be stored in official and unofficial re-fueling stations for months given the low usage rates and long time gaps between tank refills. Thus the already low-grade fuel would inevitably deteriorate further so creating problems in use, from carburettor blockages (because of chemical lamination in the tiny holes of venturi 'jets') to heavy 'knocking' of the engine (because of the low lead content), especially when under the strain of an invariable heavy load. Home-brewed 'alcool' helped overcome these conditions and was applied when available.

So even in the era of cheap oil, ethanol never truly disappeared; with well recognised advantages.

It was officially recognised that resurgence of a domestically grown, processed and supplied ethanol based fuel supply base – critically reaching from coast-line to deep inland - would help alleviate the two previously aforementioned issues:

1. Fuel Security (reducing foreign oil reliance)

2. Overcoming the 'Technology Trap'.

The first item is self explanatory but the second related to the assistance of better engine development in terms of power and some emissions pollutants, since ethanol typically combusts quicker than petroleum. When designed properly with adequate valve timing/overlap could potentially revolutionise the use of the internal combustion engine.

Vitally ethanol could potentially be the foundation-stone to a sustainable bio-fuel based eco-system.

Throughout the 1950s and 1960s government laboratories had been in a small way exploring, experimenting and improving a sugar-cane and sugar-beat refining process. When the optimum formula in terms of chemical compounds, cost, quality and production volumes had been identified the forward-looking central government set about the 'fall-back planning' for a potential re-introduction across the national fuel network. Yet more exploration was to come later.

This fall-back position came to the fore and was deployed with the global consequences of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War and the oil producing nations' decision to drastically reduce supply, the “Oil Crisis”.

The enacted policy in 1975 was titled 'Programa Nacional do Alcool' with the high ideal (never met) of providing 100% of transport fuel needs produced within Brazil. A resurgence in scientific experimentation resumed, and having already mastered the ethanol solution, new avenues were explored with other fermentable carbohydrates offering up both gases and liquids.

The notion was that the country would be provided with both the hybridised cheaper mixture of petroleum and ethanol for mass use, and the retained availability of pure higher-priced 'better graded' petroleum as necessary for more sensitive engine types. This came into official being only one year later in 1976 when it became compulsory that blended fuel ('alcool') was made available nationwide; under the 'Pro Alcool' campaign.

The major vehicle manufacturers were tasked with recalibrating current engine families already present in the country and the task of developing dedicated and optimised 'Alcool' engines. To try and gain a publicity lead and possible market share lead, Chrysler's local Dodge operations created the first 100% (E100) ethanol powered engine, and installed it into its local product, the 1800 (a Dodge badged UK originated Avenger).

Thereafter in May 1979 a fleet of two-thousand E100 vehicles was tested to 'de-bug' potential problems, however although large mileages were covered, the time-frame was small, and this appeared more a PR exercise to convince the general public and so consumer marketplace.

But it was FIAT with the 147 that marketed to the general public a fully E100 dedicated car from its production line, and won applause for doing so. Other manufacturers followed FIAT's lead and adapted standard ICE engines to suit the combustion characteristics and exacerbated in use wear and tear issues from such a pure and so rich use of ethanol.

This was set at various levels to begin with, between a minimum of 10% (E10) to maximum of 22% (E22) between 1976 and 1993, this allowing various newer types of more efficient and tunable IL4 engines to steadily replace the ubiquitous VW 'boxer-4'. Thereafter, the increased adoption of electronic ignition and fuel injection and altered ancillaries meant that engines could be yet further refined to accept higher levels of 'alcool', thus after 1993 the blend was officially set at 22%.

Such technical advancement, with later additions such as intelligent ECU's and gas-flow sensors provided the basis for the Brazilian 'Flex-Fuel' revolution as of 2003 onwards which has now become engrained into many motorists' everyday lives.

However, legislated flexibility was given at state level to take account of local market differentiation, in terms of ethanol supply, petroleum supply, market pricing fluctuations and general local income levels; and so variations of 20% (E20) to 25% (E25) prevailed.

To increase the ethanol volume mix – and so continue to wean off of higher worldwide petrol levels – the standard was set at 25% in 2003; coinciding with the availability of the first productionised 'Flex-Fuel' cars (VW Gol and Chevrolet Corsa) and with the popularity of these cars prompting a similar manufacturer and consumer movement with other marques, with 12 brands offering 'Flex-Fuel' products by 2010.

But periodic ethanol shortages - so raising the commodity's price and thus negating policy intentions - meant that greater flexibility had to be put back into the system, with a prescribed low limit of 18% (E18) when necessary. Nonetheless by 2015 the official mix had been reset from 25% to 27% (E27).

The present question is how recent record low worldwide oil prices might affect the 'Pro-Alcool' policy, yet history dictates that even with greater flexibility on ethanol policy as a result, Brazil will invariably maintain its self-supply stance with greater correlation to the BR(I)C, broader EM and entrenched OPEC providers of fossil-based global oil.

Micro Level Trends – Brazil's Automotive Sector – “Brazil 66”...Sixty Six Years of Economic Power Lifting (Part 4.3)

Previously this weblog illustrated the 'mainstream' of mass mobility passenger car offerings from primarily VW and FIAT the biggest auto-players of the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s/2000s. Others such as Ford and GM (the Americans) remained in situ from the earliest days but operated within Brazil tactically more than strategically. Whilst others such as the French (Renault, PSA) and Japanese-S.Koreans (Toyota, Nissan, Hyundai) entered only after the early 1990s and demonstration that production and sales was viable upon the remaining market share below Italian-German domination.

However, equally fascinating, and more so from the cultural-entrepreneurial standpoint, is the realm of the 'niche': those companies established by aspirational (if relatively small-fry) Brazilian industrialists.

4. Indigenous Development – Independent (Niche)

These enterprises were obviously born from the confluence of personal and national economic ambition.

 

With the known planned contraction and eventual exit of state ownership with 'FNM' (licensed trucks and cars)[see earlier] by the early 1970s, and so no direct Brazilian interests and so leverage within large scale vehicle making, an informal political will promoted a lassez-faire 'open-market' environment.

This aimed at those well engrained business families, entities and individuals who could be drawn into the auto-sector on a small production, high-value basis; with critically the promise of “expected sales”, short-hand for mutuality beneficial arrangements.

Behind this new openness to enterprise was the need to promoted and nurture domestic commercialism which itself sat upon the need for “alternative” (ie non-mainstream) engineering and production capabilities across various niche product types; expanding the learning and application from the first Brazilian sportscar – the Interlagos of 1962.

The outcome was a slow trickle of entrepreneurs imed initially at wealthy private buyers seeking fashionable sportscars, thereafter directed toward B2Butilitarian and specialist business demands, and by the early1980s value-concious utilitarian private users.

Having realised the mass-mobility aspect of the previous, culturally engrained “Estado Novo” economic plan, it was time to drive expansion into realms which, though not as grandiose, created vital internal learning about alternative and new materials, engine technologies and construction methods that could possibly provide a leap of learning. One which if deemed necessary could be easily replicated nationwide if internalised self-reliance was ever though necessary again. To this end Brazil, back in the late 1960s, recognised the potential economic power of what is now called 'Micro-Factory Retailing'.

However, to better serve itself within the global free-trade ideology, Brazil rightfully retained and grew industrial relations with the world's major auto comapanies.

Nonetheless, within 'niche' Brazil's efforts, from the mid 1960s onwards spanned 4 primary vehicle segments:

- Sporting

- Luxury

- City

- Utility

Sporting -

Willys Interlagos:

Effectively an organically evolved licensed manufacturing and badge-engineering deal between France's Alpine and America's Willys-Overland. The Interlagos is seen as Brazil's first proper sportcar.

It was named after the race-track in Interlagos, Sao Paulo, and was launched after much of Latin America itself had been entranced by long distance rally motor-sport high, absorbed by the travels and travails of famous participants (such as Juan Manuel Fangio) on the Pan-Americana and Mar y Sierra races.

Based upon the 1962 Alpine A108/110 sportcar of France (itself using Renault components before its 1973 take-over) the business plan was to compete against the upcoming Brazilian produced VW Karmann Ghia; with the advantages of similar looks and greater performance. Thus would have to come in coupe and convertible models, whilst a fastback 'berlinette' would also be made serving as the pinnacle of the range.

Willys-Overland Brazil had been licensed manufacturers of the earlier Renault Dauphine which itself was much of the technical basis for the Alpine, so at the end of that contract and without agreement regards the Dauphine's replacement (the R8) it was an obvious decision to utilise the knowledge gained to date to compete against VW with a low-cost 'BOM' (Bill of Materials).

The imported Alpine backbone frame was mated to a locally produced fibreglass shell using replicated moulds and tooling. Unlike the mass manufactured VW counterpart which had the finanical strength directly related Fusca income to balance-out the costs of the transplant project, the Willys-Overland structured its business template differently. Whilst it did indeed produce Jeep products locally (CJ and Station Wagon) it chose not to financially enmesh 4x4s and Sportscars.

Instead self-financing economics meant that a lean-manufacturing approach was put in place to reduce costs as much as possible. Thus the Interlagos Belinette was initially produced on an order by order basis so containing purchase expenditure and the 'dead' cost of stored inventory on parts, yet pragmatically did use flexible labour from the main Jeep production line to likewise contain labour costs.

It was a very necessary (typical niche-car) commercial basis which whilst innately spasmodic in both orders, deposits, production flow and receipts did allow for activities to slowly expand.

Thanks to much publicity, its mix of race-track provenance and on the road status the car became a Brazilian celebrity in its own right; its high-revving small engine, all round independent suspension and all-road disc brakes all advanced for the period and very much in the Brazilian modernist spirit of the era.

In total 822 Interlagos were built in the four years between 1962 and 1966 (whilst in stark contrast of approach and longevity VW built over 41,000 units of the Karmann Ghia).

Puma GT:

Like its predecessor, this vehicle was a milestone for Brazil, demonstrating its growing capabilities, if not its absolute independence.

Moving on from simple badge-engineering, it was a cosmetic adaption of the small yet convincing German DKW Malzoni – of the Auto-Union group - itself a sportscar born from original 'People's Car' roots.

As deemed necessary a formulaic new offering was provided so as to balance market acceptance and technical and cost feasibility, so the aesthetic changes made drawn from similar bigger European sportscars of the era (Ferrari, Lotus, TVR, Ginetta etc). However, underneath the Mk1 was effectively all German, with a small 3 cylinder in-line Auto-Union derived engine driving the rear wheels (actually an improvement over the 2-pot version).

As part of the national export drive in the early 1970s the Mk2 bodystyle was created with fundamental mechanical changes. The DKW engine became defunct as Micro-Cars fell-out of popularity in Europe, and in came the obvious choice of the VW boxer engine. To further same costs it remained mated to the VW gearbox and half-shafts, and thus retained its standard rear mounted position. Thus the Puma GT in Mk2 guise became rear engined. The curvaceous 1960s front remained with small alteration, but married to to a new angular 1970s Kamm-tail rear, akin to Alfa-Romeo Spider, but primarily used to provide good engine air-cooling.

It was exported in assembly (ie part finished) form to the USA and Canada. This done to overcome North American import regulation regards imported vehicle emissions. However, whilst the task of completing the car by installing the engine, gearbox and some ancilleries was not physically onerous to any American/Canadian distributor, it vitally did not meet with the general mindset of the generally wealthier personal-car buyers who were conservative and so concerned about a number of fundamental issues, such as possibly loosing the down-payment required if any such company went prematurely bust, exactly which company (US agent or Brazilian exporter) had ultimate responsibility for mechanical faults, or simply the status anxiety of driving what was deemed “something flash on the cheap”.

Thus whilst the Puma was successful at home as the natural latter-day substitute to the original VW Karman Ghia, the complications of export procedure, higher North American domestic competition and high so product expectations, meant that it could not fulfil a similar role abroad.

As such its stayed uniquely Brazilian and underwent various cosmetic and technical evolution over its long lifespan.

Muira MTS:

To try and gain as much immediate cache as possible the makers of this car unabashedly plagiarised its name from the landmark 1966 Lamborghini Miura. Like Puma, the first series vehicle of 1977 was based upon a VW Type 1 rolling chassis.

It was designed in the Euro-wedge sportscar style, itself modernist shorthand for the “futuristic” and so notionally advanced, which mechanically was hardly the case. However it was aesthetically successful with a rear that appeared that of an updated VW SP2 and rear deck flying buttresses (a la Maserati, Ferrari and Jaguar XJS) providing a strong archetype cohesion to the long low nose with pop-up headlights. Even the use of faux bumper crush side panels (a la Porsche 911 for US Federal safety regulations) was well integrated and matched to the C-pillar air-intake.

With the discontinuation of the VW Fusca the base rolling chassis became unavailable, thus the later series cars were re-engineered with use of a tubular space-frame with installation of a water-cooled front mounted engine. This fundamental change was accompanied with much altered front and rear treatments of the later generation vehicles through the 1980s to keep abreast of prestige European styles (ie Porsche 944), American styles (Corvette C4) and to provide overtones of the successful Japanese performance models (Toyota Supra).

Miura as a company ran between 1977 and 1993, but with a business model based on the disposable income whims of elite Brazilians, the volatile procurement of 'as available' parts and rapidly changing style trends, there was a constant need for financial and technical juggling.

Critically, it appears that Miura's end came when the major car makers located in Brazil sought themselves to take advantage of the initially slowly expanding 1990s economy, and thus themselves and their closely coupled suppliers possibly decided to run-down and eventually stop supply of vital components.

Nonetheless, under what appeared relatively constrained circumstances over 16 years (though arguably much protected by import ban policy) the Miura company's ambitions and achievements meant much to the auto-culture of Brazil.

Luxury -

Santa Matilde:

As explained previously, Brazil's initial notion 'luxury' car was the FNM 2000 'JK', ironically a state sponsored badge engineered product stemming from a failed private enterprise initiative, via licensed production agreement with FNM's then part owner Alfa Romeo of Italy.

By the mid 1970s the FNM 2000 had ended its product life-cycle, whilst the luxury 2+2 personal car segment had become well established in the USA (originating with the Ford Thunderbird through the 1960s) and had more recently begun to become prevalent in Europe with the popularity of GT cars and primarily the option of 2 door versions of 4 door premium and luxury cars (from the BMW 2002ti and Turbo through to the later Maserati Bi-Turbo and era newcomers such as Germany's Bitter).

Given this foreign dynamic for the upmarket 2+2 and the domestic luxury segment replacement seemingly required, a company named Companhia Industrial Santa Matilda decided to try and create a similar Brazilian market space.

Established in 1916 the Rio de Janeiro enterprise had grown across various industrial sectors to become a Brazilian conglomerate including production of railways carriages, rail-freight cars, tractors, farm equipment and various galvanised steel and fibreglass products. Thus the company had at least the prime material resource and affiliated broad engineering knowledge.

Launched in 1976 the car wowed the crowds at the Sao Paulo Auto Show, illustrating that Brazil could create of its own. Its design brief was to adopt of design cues from a mixture of foreign premium cars so as to be taken seriously, yet provide a simpler list of comfort and convenience features so as to reduce build cost and so showroom price and maximise profitability.

Indeed, the Companhia Industrial Santa Matilda now doubt saw its introduction as very timely given the bankruptcy of Maserati in 1975, thus leaving possible market opportunity in Europe and North America; this not to be realised though.

Known as the SM4.1 the car was produced between 1977 and 1997 in coupe, removable hard-top and convertible forms (a la Mercedes SL) using a GM-Brazil sourced engine (from Opala) installed into its fibre-glass body. It underwent 5 successive generations and styling and technical changes. Its boxy 2-door shape was not obviously derivative from any other marque, but was quite generically Amero-Japanese in styling (GM-Mitisubishi).

The apparent business plan appeared that of seeking to be the very niche but distinctly sought after , in essence the 'Brazilian Bristol' (as per the British luxury marque and with similar proportions [if not overall size] to the Bristol Bleinheim-Beaufighter coupe). And though produced in low numbers this rarity and 20 year longevity gained an immediate and long-lasting iconic reputation.

City-Luxury -

Dacon 828:

The Dacon company's origins was as the best known Brazilian importer and distributor of VW, Audi and Porsche vehicles. During the 1980s it sought to grow its per unit margins by creating higher performance and cosmetically enhanced specials, typically on the Passat / Pointer.

This was commercially successful (these vehicles latterly sought after 'retro' classics) which buoyed ambition to create Dacon's very own unique, individualistic and high-margin car project. The outcome was the Dacon 828, an attempt to create something city chic (and thus could be said to be a spiritual and formulaic forerunner to the later Aston Martin Cygnet).

With the Santa Matilda firmly in place as the large Brazilian luxury car by the early 1980s, Dacon believed it could create a new hybrid niche for “City-Luxury”.

As such it believed it could essentially shrink and re-proportion a revered luxury sportscar, with obviously (supposed) 'rationality' of the Porsche 928 given its franchise agreement with VW-Porsche at the time. Ansio Campos of Puma design fame was brought in to add project provenance and reputability. To position the car in the minds-eye of the potential buyer it was named 828, which together with its cosmetic treatment sought to create the impression of a smaller city sibling to the 928.

[To 'post-rationalise' the obvious nameplate marketing ploy, a rumour was created that the car was conceptually born in '82 and was Dacon's 8^th development project; after a targa-top Passat, Porsche-tuned Brasilia and water-cooled SP2].

Accordant to the necessary niche technical solution the body structure consisted of reinforced fibre-glass and to maintain a compact powertrain the still ubiquitous air-cooled VW boxer engine, gearbox and half-shafts were utilised; providing good power to weight but intrusive NVH and thus hardly quiet luxuriousness. The general cosmetic theme of the Porsche 928 was achieved only from the mid-section rearwards and by deploying cost-conscious 'off the shelf' components to mimic 928 detailing, such as the use of a Bay-window Type 2's rear lamp cluster set horizontal and recessed in the rear panels. The front of the car however had no similarity to a 928 and thus lacked much of its raison d'etre. The wheels were originally 10 inch steels and Gordini-like alloys, thereafter replaced by a high cost dedicated effort of down-sized 928/944 wheels.

Despite much substantial early advertising the car was effectively only produced on a build-to-order basis, and was not successful, with reportedly only 40-something units manufactured between 1983 and 1992.

Nonethless, the basic miniture body-shell appears to have been modified time and time again by various parties with different supposed business visions, from the creation of a 'midi'-sized 928 with lengthened front and rear and appearing much like the Porsche, to renewed interest in the Luxury-City idea. The concern obviously as to whether these are real business enterprises (with their own pros and cons), or simply falsely generated projects to alleviate state or private investors of their finances with 'unforeseen early cash burn'.

[NB It should be noted that both cars 828 and Cygnet were commercial flops because of naïve over-simplification of the mini 'City-Lux' formulae. Indeed Aston Martin should have been much more intelligent regards its Cygnet effort and should have been aware of the Dacon case study].

City -

To help cure congestion, assist low-cost mobility amongst the lower tiers of society, and promote a sensible 2^nd car mentality, the Brazilian government long sought to promote the City-Car idiom. Indeed it hoped to replicate the market success of the original Fusca/Beetle, but with a smaller urban friendly footprint, seen as a friend to society at large.

This has set the tone for various attempts over time starting from the mid 1970s onwards, the firm of Gurgel being a prime actor in this realm.

Gurgel Itaipu E150:

Shown at the 1974 Sao Paulo Auto Show this was an all-electric city micro-car very similar to the conceptual efforts of many big and small US and European producers in the 1960s and early 1970s.

[NB Gurgel had started auto-production in 1969 with a fibreglass dune buggy type vehicle for military and leisure use, then expanded into similarly constructed heavier utility vehicles. With strong connections to Federal and State agencies it became the de facto indigenous niche specialist vehicle provider].

To meet the policy dream of low impact mobility the Itaipu was born and named after the hydro-electric power plant. Naturally, construction was largely fibreglass and thus lightweight, very necessary so as to off-set the 10 very heavy lead-acid 12V batteries which provided propulsion power; and to maximise the vehicle's travel range. (Three quarters of the overall vehicle mass was that of the batteries).

It was a trapezoidal monobox in silhouette to maximise interior space and so functionality, with flat pained acrylic and glass windows to reduce cost (a pragmatic solution later seen on the FIAT Panda Mk1's flat glass windows).

However, whilst seemingly advanced, the fact is that ultimately it had many social and technical shortcomings, ranging across: overt utilitarian look and feel unpopular with potential private buyers, overt rattle and squeaks from the structure and its fittings (this highlighted by silent powertrain), an odd clashing mix of dashboard instrumentation, the inability to travel longer distances, the time for electric recharge and the lack of electrical recharging infrastructure.

Ultimately the electric Itaipu's negatives outweighed its positives, but perhaps more than any other country with experimental EV's in the period, it helped alter the automotive landscape by prompting an e-version of an urban runabout van, ironically the acceptance expanded use of sugar-beat and sugar-cane sourced fuels (seen as alternative but far better than all electric), and helped set Brazil on its ecologically aware path leading eventually the Rio Summit Conferance.

Gurgel XEF:

Having been producing basic utilitarian vehicles for the military and general fleet purposes, and having dabbled with the EV, in its twelfth year Gurgel produced its first passenger car.

Recognising that the major mainstream players effectively owned the convention segments, it sought to create its own niche with a conventional looking, but unconventionally packaged small car.

The XEF was launched in 1981 using 3 members of the Brazilian football team in its advertising, so as to promote and acclimatise the public to its novel single row 'two and a half' seater arrangement. (This also seen in France's Matra Bagheera sportscar). Cosmetically the car appeared to be a cross-breed between a FIAT 147 and contenporary Mercedes 200, using the former's general slab sided, package efficient shape and the latter's secondary detailing regards rear lamp cluster and alloy wheels.

Gurgel BR-800:

The constrained national economy through the late 1970s and 1980s due to renewed protectionism generated both high inflation and a captive market for Brazilian manufacturers. Hence the price of much from basic consumer staples to cars steadily rose, and even basic vehicles such as the VW Gol became unaffordable to many.

Founder Joao Gurgel sought to recreate the affordable 'people's car' and thus utilise the firm's knowledge of GRP, self-proclaimed invented 'Plasteel' and the small boxer engine format to do so.

The result was the BR-800, a small yet seemingly voluminous urban vehicle that seated 4 upon a short wheelbase. Many expected Gurgel to continue to re-utilise the epnymous rear mounted Fusca engine – as all had done before – but he instead chose to create a new 2 cylinder “boxer” (akin to the 2CV's or BMW motorcycle's) which mixed VW engine parts with newly designed Gurgel components. It was water cooled, which whilst against the grain in terms of cost and weight, aided greatly in stationary traffic on hot days whence the old VW boxer could overhead.

Interestingly the BR-800 was built within the Gurgal factory in Santa Claro using not the standard roll-down production line but via the 'karosel' method. A circular, hub and spoke contraption (akin to fairground carousel ride laid horizontal) the end of each spoke/arm with a fixed or rotational platform upon which the car was built-up. So occupying as small a space as possible and assisting the 'time and motion' efficiency of the overall build process

[NB This production template later used in advanced form by the European low-series specialist production houses, such as Karmann and Hueliez ].

The car was obviously heralded by government and national press. But a self-created barrier complicated the sales process and effectively doubled the ultimate contract price. (See summary below). And so with the BR-800 Gurgel gained a somewhat tainted reputation, that ultimately led to the company's decline.

[NB an irony is that Gurgel established his company from his profits as a VW distributor, whilst in his own 'people's car' he technically negated the use of a mechanical distributor].

Utility -

Whilst the Gurgel Company started out as a distributor for Volkswagen's Type 1 (Fusca/Beetle) and Type 2 (Microbus), the success and profits enjoyed allowed it to move into, indeed create, a niche specialism in the utilitarian segment.

Gurgel Ipanema:

After creating a scaled-down child's buggy to effectively show proof of concept regards reinforced fibre-glass materials, the first true vehicle built by Gurgel was similarly a Buggy named Ipanema. Given the strong VW connection it was based upon VW Fusca/Beetle mechanicals.

[NB the Fusca base would prove the underpinnings of many of the company's offerings].

This was designed with dual markets in mind, a necessary primary one and a secondary aspirational one. Firstly to both serve the military as a cross-country reconnaissance and light task vehicle given Brazil's expansive borders and the need for basic military mules. Secondly to possibly export the vehicle to the USA where the dune buggy craze had begun, themselves fundamentally based upon the Fusca/Beetle rolling chassis. The beach theme led to the obvious name of Ipanema. To aid that ambition Gurgel's buggy would be given the face treatment of the 'grosser' Karman Ghia featuring distinct eyebrows over the front lamps, thus it was hoped the buggy would be viewed by American's as the natural sibling to the popular Karmann Ghia. However that export ambition was unrealised and the vehicle stayed within the ranks of the military and other typically commercial off-road users inside Brazil.

Gurgel Xavante (X-10 / X-12):

Whilst Ipanema was useful to the military, its bodyshell had its limitations in terms of innate structural strength and on-board functionality.

Thus an evolutionary product was launched in 1973 called the Xavante which with taller vertical sides and more horizontal top surfaces was far more akin to the likes of the VW Type 82 Kubelwagen and its latterday 1970s counterpart the VW 'Thing'.

Most important here is that the need for improved structural strength in compression and expansion led to the innovation that was “Plasteel”. Little is known about this but it is assumed that (as with the strengthening of concrete in civil engineering) that the fibreglass effectively sandwiched an inset steel mesh.

This proved useful in terms of stress endurance, local impact and against the general effects of UV (ultra violet light) weakening and chemical corrosion.

Although rear engined and so providing weight to the driving wheels, as a 2WD vehicle the Xavante had its limitations. To improve basic traction in low friction conditions the vehicle had 2 separate handbrakes for each of the rear wheels. When traction was lost on one wheel the brake could be applied to send drive through the open differential to the opposite wheel, thus acting as a form of very basic LSD (limited slip differential).

Gurgel X-15 / G-15:

In 1979 an FC (forward control) vehicle was offered, as either a 7 seater van or 2 seater truck, with other derivatives with varying passenger capacity and payloads. Initially used by the military and commercial fleet customers, the proven durability of the vehicle and its affordability soon attracted small business and even private buyers.

This model together with the Xavante was exported across Latin America and boosted Brazil's regional trade and diplomatic relations.

Gurgel Itaipu E-400:

The following year in 1980 saw further electric vehicle experimentation in a new aesthetically pleasing van, which itself drew from the cues of the likes of Mazda and Toyota vans of the period.

It was deployed to maintain the Brazilian policy of utilising alternative fuels (so as not to consumer its own oil reserves or become reliant upon unsecured foreign sources). Again as with the Itaipu car, its real intention appeared to be the policy drive for lighter cargo vehicles to switch to locally grown alcohol based fuel ('alcool').

Gurgel Carajas:

The success of Japanese 4x4s from the mid 1970s onwards across global regions led Gurgel to create its own SUV, itself able to be pared-down given the renewed import protection policies of the period from more capable foreign manufacturers.

Without a proprietary 4WD system and with the prohibitive cost of engineering one and potential on-cost in sales price constraining sales, the vehicle was made available as a 2WD only.

It was recognised that this had not been a problem for the smaller Matra Rancho in the European leisure segment – Gurgel apparently viewing Matra as its prime influence – but realistically for a proper SUV the 2WD layout was limiting.

[NB the Rancho actually enjoyed better traction since it was front-engined and FWD, whilst the Carajas was front engined RWD. The use of a 'torque-tube' however helped transmit the rearwards power more efficiently, and itself suggested that Gurgel was looking to create a commercial arrangement with TATRA of the then Czechoslovakia, itself the torque-tube and AWD specialists, to probably create a Brazilian JV].

Nonetheless, even with only 2WD, and as effectively the only domestic option, the military and fleet bought the vehicle given the political bias in the 'closed door era' to Brazilian engineered and produced vehicles. It also sold to private buyers who wanted the status of an SUV but not full off-road capabilities. As with the cost-conscious programme roll-out of the original Land Rover Discovery (later in 1989), first as a 3-door vehicle with 5 door added later.

Aesthetically it was a mix of Toyota Land-Cruiser face, Land Rover Series 1 and 2-like hood-mounted spare wheel, enlarged Rancho-like sides and proportions, and used initially VW 'bay' rear lamp sets, replaced by Jeep Wrangler like clusters in later generations.

As a protected species, between 1985 and 1990 it sold very successfully providing handsome profits for Gurgel, before the 1990 introduction of the firstly imported, then home assembled, Russian LADA Niva 4x4; so ending Carajas production on at the end of 1990.

Troller T4:

Established in 1996 the first vehicle produced was the T4, a near copy of a contemporary Jeep Wrangler (the evolution of the iconic CJ). It was primarily designed for military use to replace the authentic but expensive (given the weakness of the Real) Jeep products then in use.

The growing strength of the Brazilian economy also meant that potential for private sales in the 4x4 leisure sectors could be achieved, and proven to be the case. That success prompted ongoing evolutionary redesigns to better befit its sub-brand aspiration as a true segment contender both at home and critically abroad.

To promote the Troller name in other Emerging nations the vehicle has competed in the tortuous Daker Rallye so as to become recognised as a proven product in Africa, with the building of a transplant factory in Angola in 2005.

Given the domestic success and foreign market potential the company was acquired by Ford do Brasil in 2007

[NB the Pantatal mid-sized pick-up truck was launched in 2006, but proved structurally defective and so was recalled by Ford for optional buy-back via refund; this no doubt also bouying the goodwill of Ford do Brasil and creating a migration effect into its own (BT-50) Ranger pick-up, itself made in Colombia].

[Of note is the fact that during the mid 2000s Ford had simultaneously been promoted the idea of an African self-designed and self-built utility vehicle using a mix of tubular space frame, steel sheet and MDF external panels (effectively a better robust and capable evolution of the early 1980s 'Africar'). This experimental vehicle undoubted paved the way for Ford-Troller Angola].

Summary -

Since the earliest days of the motorcar Brazil's leaders nurtured the aspiration of creating Brazil's own vehicles. It would take twenty-five years to create the first step with domestic final assembly of American trucks and cars, and fifty years to see the home-manufacture of fully built-up European vehicles.

The growth of the national auto-sector and thus impetus to national economic expansion was thanks to the ISI (import substitution) policy drives of Presidents Vargas and Kubitschek, which balanced the overall effects of incoming FDI. The economic circularity effect was enormous and allowed a new raft of Brazilain merchants (as intermediary distributors and agents) such as Joao Gurgel and Paulo Aguiar (of Dacon) to become household names.

Those merchants then in turn sought to style themselves as new industrialists, their commercial buoyancy dependent upon their acumen of what were inevitably 'hit or miss' opportunities. Typically the certainty of defence related government contracts (as with Gurgel) versus over ambitious, ill-considered, over-simplified and thus misdirected  projects misreading the overtly conservative private consumer (as with the Dacon 828).

Critically, the Gurgel case study provides much to be absorbed, perhaps most importantly just how an entrepreneurial vision (such as the BR-800) can be undermined by mixing business financing and retailing basis. These two worlds ordinarily far apart, and  when combined of great concern to prospective customers and external others.

As previous importer of the VW Fusca/Beetle (the legendary 'people's car') the founder Joao Gurgel had the ambition of recreating that vision in the Brazilian mould. He believed that a notional national interest and popularity for mainstream expansion of his  all-Brazilian owned company could be relied upon to recapitalise the firm. (This belief of supportive people-power possibly stemming from the financing origins of the original KDF-Wagen).

Thus when the BR-800 was launched it was priced well under all other locally made but foreign owned products at US$5000. However, purchase of the car also required buying into the business at a further cost of US$5,000 for 750 shares. Thus the car would actually cost US$10,000 for what was technically an inferior product and the owner would gain a small stake-hold in the firm and the Brazil-Car vision.

But Brazilian's either recognised the risk (in both the business model and the possibly of Gurgel's sharp exit) or quite simply could not afford the overall amount. And critically believed that if it was such a good investment that Brazil's own clique of Financiers and Industrialists would have kept it to themselves, used normal bank debt, privately held shares or a sensible mix. Moreover those with insight wondered where the sizeable profits from the Carajas project had gone given the low level of BR-800 research and development. It was all rather peculiar!.

That said, from 1966 through to the early 1990s much learning was indeed gained.
Pragmatic innovation created from necessity engineering in both products and manufacturing process: from 'Plasteel' to the 'Karousel'. And vitally, commercial appreciation of home and foreign markets, risk adversity and the need for robust business thinking as opposed to overt untethered optimism became much more engrained.

Unfortunately however Brazilian capabilities would continue to lag behind the accrued learning of foreign firms who were typically decades ahead in terms of technical advancement, commercial insight and access to cheaper wholesale funding.

Nonetheless, Brazil's entrepreneurs continued to drive onward over such obstacles, best seen with the original (though very derivative) Troller T4. Thus demonstrating that they had learned from the product and commercial mistakes of their predecessors and recognised that for a Brazilian enterprise to succeed it must 'plug-into' not only the national need but the broader global auto-sector picture.

Indeed that broader big-picture is what massively enabled the learning of the Brazilian workforce, from senior managers to apprentices, when VW and FIAT long ago, and later joined by Renault et al, sought to make Brazil the focal point of global architecture engineering and manufacturing processes.

Thus we see that a confluence has arisen between the global ambitions of the big foreign players (that feeds directly into Brazilian development) and the commercial and technical learning of local entrepreneurs.

Themselves not just reactive to prospective government tenders nor supposed home-market consumer niches, nor indeed beguiled the yesteryear sole ambition of USA export, but now recognised the need to identify EM opportunities on a worldwide basis and the ability to indeed lead, partner or indeed merge with major global automotive firms to realise those ambitions.