Earnings releases for Q1 2014 continue to be reported, and as they do, the financial markets react accordingly; both rationally and irrationally. When all of the eleven major automotive players have submitted their summaries and presentations, investment-auto-motives will obviously provide its well established provision of 'Couples Ratios'. Doing so at a prescient point after the immediate reactive volatility has settled.
[NB it should be stated that the Q4/FY 2013 analysis was intentionally not provided given what appeared strong 'peaking' and 'barrel-rolling' within many corporate share-price graphs, then suggesting a short-term pull-back and price contraction. This did indeed arrive with the usual high-volume stock rotation ploy of institutionals and investment banks, moving from cyclical-orientated stocks which had surpassed fair-value toward other stock classes. Portions of funds were no doubt were directed toward what became the tail-end of the notional 'growth stories' of tech and bio players, itself soon heavily contracted as early-birds took profits (at the cost of institutionals). With presumably a greater portion taken 'off the table' awaiting the return of fair valued industrials, associated services and other macro-related companies; the cheap stock era now a very distant memory].
Instead of the immediacies and detail of automotive stocks - various back to 'fair value' having 'peaked' and 'rolled' - this weblog provides a far more esoteric and philosophical tone.
At long...long...long last, the real economies of the hardest hit by the financial crisis and sovereign debt crisis are demonstrating new signs of 'green shoots' growth vitality so counter-balancing and substantiating the previous ferver of financial markets confidence. This 'traction' theoretically self-perpetuating, so feeding further business expectation (whilst in the midst of continued debt deleveraging, 'lean' inventory management and necessary 'thin' labour levels) and so new investment.
Given the immense time-lag if the recovery - in real terms nigh on a decade long - much will now be expected of those in the younger generation, those in their twenties and thirties who, unlike their 'over-exposed' cynical elders, imbue the much needed optimism.
This state of affairs is seen within the story-lines of the 'New Troubleshooter' TV series, Digby Jones stepping into the modern-day shoes of Harvey-Jones, demonstrating how many of Britain's (and no doubt Europe's and America's) oft family run SMEs must substantially "raise their game" if they are to compete within what is now a far flatter and intensively competitive globalised commercial world; with the obvious intrinsic message of "higher value", "brand generation" and (to rehash the 1950s and 1970s edict) "export or die".
Previously investment-auto-motives relayed the wise learning and thoughts of many acclaimed 20th century investors, so to compliment, at this very important juncture within the new global (re)growth story, it is worthwhile re-absorbing the broader business perspectives of well known and less famous 'sages'.
Prescient Quotations -
in no specific order
"Business has continued to be more interested in thinking, in general, more than any other sector of society. The explaination for this is because there is a reality test; there is a bottom-line. There are sales figures and profit figures. There are results."
(Edward de Bono - 2010)
"Loose ideas on the subject of business will not answer. It must be reeduced to something of a science. It has principles, upon a knowledge and an application of which. success in it depands"
(Christian Nestell Bovee - 1862)
"The performance of business leaders during the next decades will play a major role in determining not only business but political and social trends for a long time to come. Principle reasons being:
a) business leaders control the economic well being of enterprise and stockholder
b) the course of business shapes public opinion
c) thus business leaders shapes public opinion
So in addition to his/her prime responsibilities of managing for profit, the business leader is faced with new and larger responsibilities. And at the same time the immediate job is increasing in complexity. Consequently, the imposition of additional responsibilities makes this nation's task of developing an adequate number of properly equipped executives leaders a staggering one indeed."
(Marvin Blower - 1949)
"What I must understand is why someone will continue to get out of bed in the morning once they have all the money they could want. Do they love the business or do they love the money?"
(Warren Buffett - 1999)
"The man of business knows that only by years of patient, unremitting attention to affairs can he earn his reward, which is the result, not of chance, but of well deserved means for the attainment of ends."
(Andrew Carnegie - 1913)
"The men (and women) who succeed are the efficient few. They are the few who have the ambition and will power to develop themselves"
(Herbert N Casson - 1933)
"Goodness is always an asset. A man who is straight, friendly and useful may never be famous, but respected and liked by all who know him. He has laid the foundation of success and will have a worthwhile life"
(Herbert N Casson - 1948)
"Part of America's industrial problems is the aim of its corporate managers. Most American executives think they are in the business to make money, rather than a product or a service. The Japanese corporate credo is that a company must become the world's most efficient provider of whatever product and service it offers. Once done and continued, profits follow"
(W E Deming - 1982)
"You can hardly have too much harmony in business. But you can go too far in picking men because they harmonize"
(Henry Ford - 1922)
"If we are all in agreement on the decision - then I propose we postpone further discussion until our next meeting, to give ourselves time to develop disagreements and better understand what the decision is about"
Alfred P. Sloane - 1920s)
"Every new development, highway, railroad, steamship line, building operation, whether a drainage project in Old Greece or a new water system in New Peru, means added use of the automobile".
(Walter Chrysler - 1920s)
"There is only one social responsibility of business. To use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits, so long as it stays within the rules of the game. Which is to say, engages in open and free competition without deception or fraud."
(Milton Friedman - 1970)
"Perpetual devotion to what man calls his business, is only to be sustained by perpetual neglect of many other things".
(Robert Louis Stevenson - 1881)
"Our main obligation is not to mistake slogans for solutions"
(Edward R Murrow)
"People err when they think they can be inhuman exploiters in their business life, and loving family members at home"
(Smiley Blanton)
"It is unfortunate that we can't buy many business executives for what they are [actually] worth, and sell them for what they think they are worth"
(Malcolm Forbes)
"If all economists were laid end to end, they'd never reach a conclusion"
(George Bernard Shaw)
"Business is infested with idiots who try to impress by using pretentious jargon"
(David Ogalvy)
"Real riches are the riches possessed inside"
(B C Forbes)
"An organisation's ability to learn, and translate that learning into action rapidly, is ultimate competitive advantage"
(Jack Welch)
"Being good in business is the most fascinating kind of art. Making money is art and working is art...and good business is the best art"
(Andy Warhol)
"I am always doing that which I cannot do, so I may learn how to do it."
(Pablo Picasso)
"We have not noticed how fast the rest have risen. Most of the industrialised world, and a good part of the non-industrialised world, has a better cell-phone service than the USA, they have better broadband, America 16th down the list. All the while we are told by politicians that the US is #1. Whilst nearly a third of our school system is disfunctional"
(Fareed Zakaria - 2010)
"Sooner or later, those who win are those who think they can"
(Paul Tournier - unknown)
"Ambitious people climb and climb, with great labour and incessent anxiety"
(Robert Browning)
"The reasonable man adapts himself to the world. The unreasonable man persists in trying to adapt the world to himself. Therefore all progress depends upon the unreasonable man."
(George Bernard Shaw)
Tuesday, 6 May 2014
Tuesday, 22 April 2014
Auto Industry Practice – EM Business and Product Strategy – Cross Cultural Learning (Part 2)
Part 1 of this web-log
conveyed the macro notion that the cultural paradox of
'glocalisation' continues to both enthuse and confuse corporations,
as cultural identities become ever more layered and so complex whilst
the very nature of mass and niche consumerism re-orchestrates new
opportunities for cross-cultural paradigms.
This Part 2 undertakes
a micro orientated review of the sociological awareness – both weak
and strong – of various auto-sector players' product strategies in
the past; so as to remind of lessons once learned, but oft forgotten.
This to span:
- Early era efforts of
auto-globalisation
- Case studies of
ill-contrived 'glocal' business plans
- The rigour of Japan's
“deep knowledge” approach
- Examples of
well-contrived 'glocal' new product development
Yesteryear Automotive
Globalisation -
Since the earliest days
manufacturers sought to introduce their largely 'home-grown' products
into new foreign markets, seeking new income streams, in-market
dominance and corporate expansionist power. Typically seeking to
offer a vehicle 'as is' if suitable, or through mechanical and
features adaption to satisfy the climatic and road/track demands of
specific geographies.
Given the generally
poor worldwide road conditions of the early 20th century,
even in the industrialised West, the first decades of international
mobility relied upon a necessary robustness built into vehicles,
hence a Model T Ford that could operate both across the USA's Death
Valley and the Australian Outback, and at the other end of the
spectrum a Rolls-Royce 'Silver Ghost' could equally traverse
countryside tracks within Britain and India.
However, by the mid
1920s the internal competitiveness of western markets, feature
offerings and customer demands, versus the still largely basic
transportation needs of more rudimentary foreign markets, meant that
regionally defined 'sub-species' of specific models began to appear
in order to balance the offering vs demand equation.
As seen with
consolidation of European marques into the larger conglomerates, as
part of their own global expansion drive Detroit's “Big 3”
acquired foreign interests in the “going concerns” of automotive
manufacturers and/or associated coach-builders, either partially,
though typically completely. So as to gain early entry in what would
become yesteryear's often colonially related new growth markets.
As vehicle sales grew
in such semi-foreign markets through the 1930s and 1960s in line with
underlying GDP growth, so greater attention was paid to the
engineering of what evolved as perceptionally regionally specific
vehicles. Though the economies of scale that provided profitability
demanded that core homeland platforms be used, much was undertaken to
maintain local and regional identities and thus maximise overall
global sales.
1930s Australia saw the
rise of the 'Coupe Utility' from Ford and GM Holden, models
effectively transplanted from the USA where they were less favoured
but well aligned to antipodean needs, as well as in 1948 the
notionally “All Australian” Holden 48-215, actually born in
Detroit but assembled in six Australian plants and acting as an
industrial attraction hub for new sets of suppliers; all part of
Australia's own national agenda toward industrial modernisation of
the time.
Likewise, Brazilian
examples include in the 1970s the re-deployment of a Renault 12 based
model itself inherited by Ford as part of its own regional expansion
and named the Ford Corcel. With in 1980 Volkswagen's 'hybridised'
creation that was the series one Gol, a more modern Golf related body
structure and style but with the cheap and reliable air-cooled engine
of previous VW cars; also targeted at South Africa.
These were indeed
successful case studies which demonstrated how yesteryear's fringe
markets required simple, low cost products derived from simple, low
cost business models, in what were recognised as comparatively
undemanding markets seeking most vehicle types.
Poorly Contrived Sector
Strategies -
However, the opposite
is also true, wherein what were subsequently seen as poor product
development strategies failed to capture the mass interest of a
developing marketplace.
As vehicle demand
shifts from the initial 'base-line' volume generated by governmental
and industrial users who purchase with obvious 'cost-benefit'
rationale, and on toward the greater volumes of private consumers and
private-like business users, so the ability to “read” the
marketplace becomes ever more complex. And so plotting and
formulating the business case evolution of specific models becomes
more challenging.
The challenges of
entering such markets are typically hefty enough, and historically
have required deep corporate pockets to maintain not just presence
but to set set the standard. Per unit profitability is typically
degraded by issues such as import tariff costs on whole cars, CKD
packs and component parts, and even if a VM commits to the creation a
fully fledged manufacturing facility, and thereby acting as a hub
attracts a mixed multi-national and indigenous supply base, per unit
costs remain comparatively high given the supplier companies' desire
to see a return on their investments.
Thus such a move into
developing markets has historically requires major long-term funding
capabilities; as seen by the likes of Volkswagen and FIAT in South
America during the 1960s and 1970s, and GM and Volkswagen in China
through the 1990s.
Such in-market demand
dynamics and the initial cash-burn means that getting it right is
paramount for both well established global manufacturers and the
newer crop of EM based firms seeking greater regional and
international profile.
The following are
simplified case studies which illustrate how wrongly directed
over-ambition in the chase for foreign sales have failed the business
ambition of 'glocalism'.
The Leyland P76 :
Prior to the 1990s
commodities boom, beyond meat, wool and semi-precious stone exports,
Australia was largely a self-contained economy, boosted by its
British-American political ties as a distinctly strategic out-post
sat within the Asia-Pacific; but which would ideally be
self-supporting.
Given Britain's
sovereignty, unsurprisingly British vehicles were prevalent
initially, from the importation of Edwardian Lanchesters to 1920s
Austins, to 1950s and 60s Land Rovers, which came to be locally
assembled and latterly wholly manufactured, alongside original Mini
and the Australia re-engineered large Kimberley.
Under British oversight
a US-Australian trade agreement was established which assisted the
sales of larger V8 and IL6 engined Ford, Holden and (Chrysler)
Valiant cars and variants, vehicles which did not directly compete
with the BMC Australia's typically smaller engined products, the
volume sales excluding marginal Kimberley. But latter 'open-door'
trade policies with Japan and Europe allowed for the importation of
smaller IL4 engined vehicles which proved to be whilst technically
unsophisticated both reliable and cheap; so in effect matching,
sometimes bettering and under-cutting UK derived vehicles. By the
late 1960s this caused yet another blow to the British motor
industry.
Under the 1960s
consolidation the UK industry, BLMC, (later BL), absorbed the various
loss-making UK firms of Austin, Morris, MG, Triumph and
Jaguar-Daimler to try and find inter-firm synergies, rationalise new
product development, and cherry-pick new market possibilities.
One of these was to
focus upon the still relatively buoyant Australian market.
Recognising that BLMC
could not build a business model to fight the Japanese and Europeans based upon the price of smaller cars, it
instead chose to leverage its technical advantage, directing that
apparent competence directly at the higher price-point and
higher-margin large car class and so versus Detroit's 'Big 3'. Seeking to build upon the small market share Kimberley had captured with an avante garde proposition.
BLMC management
convinced board executives that Australia's own entrepreneurs and
senior managers had themselves morphed into highly aspirant, very
worldly, individuals, keen to buy a technically advanced large car
which spoke of Australian confidence. This may have been the
marketing department's 'blurb', but the fact was that the
conglomerate metaphorically had “its back to the wall”. And so
the idea of a dedicated upmarket Australian vehicle was born, its USP
being more futuristic styling and engineering and not the outcome of
simply a cosmetically altered evolutionary model variant.
The outcome was the
“wholly Australian” P76 large sedan and its sibling the Force 7
coupe; itself establishing new engineering directions amongst the national supply chain firms to hopefully raise the bar for Australia itself.
Unfortunately, the fact
was that upon its arrival the market was effectively saturated with
what were viewed as satisfactory vehicles which whilst hardly
advanced actually sold on their relative simplicity, with vital
reliability both in towns and deep into the countryside. Australian
entrepreneurs and senior managers sided with staid GM Holden, Ford
and Chrysler-Valiant cars which although less differentiated at the
premium-end than the P76/Force 7, were robust, easily maintained
and repaired. Moreover, during the interim, Detroit had improved its
various brand standings with indegenous V8 racing at circuits such as
Bathurst etc.
Detroit's Big 3 had
global profits, cash at hand and scale economies by which to drive
down costs and wage price wars as necessary, they had wide model-line
differentiation for its body and trim variants and country-wide
dealership and garage networks. In contrast, BLMC/BL during this
period saw its combined multi-marque profits dwindle, its cash
depleted and economies of scale unrealised as certain 'head to head'
in-house models were discontinued in favour of the better positioned
brand.
Surrounded by more
adept American, European and Japanese foes through the tide of
globalisation, BL's hope was that the P76 / Force 7 would encourage a
corporate renaissance. Instead an unrealistic BL had effectively
created a car which nobody wanted.
[NB the lesson here is
that whilst even the most fortunate of developing markets' consumers
do indeed aspire to improved products and services, ultimately purchase
rationality will typically underpin the decision process of something
as costly, functionally important and service orientated as the car].
Africar -
As a raft of African
nations gained independence from previous colonial governance in the
1960s and 1970s, it was envisaged by some that the new republics
would continue to seek out their own fortunes, with greater
disconnection from the western industrial interests. Interests which
though having largely created large scale industry and commerce in
these countries, were also seen to be exploiters of national mineral,
commodities and human resource wealth.
To assist such
ambitions of African Independence leaders, a new crop of idealistic
western entrepreneurs emerged, seeking new methods by which such
states could create for themselves and kick-start their own circulatory economies.
Once such in the field
of light commercial and personal transport was “the car for
Africa”; toted as 'AFRICAR'. Its inception came in the early 1980s, founder Anthony Howarth long associated with Africa, believed he recognised the need to develop an affordable, sturdy,
capable and cheap to operate vehicle that would do for Africa what
the Model T had done 70 years earlier for the USA and elsewhere.
Both N.Africa and
Sub-Sahara countries had long relied upon the Peugeot 403/404, 4x4s such as Land Rovers and LandCruisers, aswell as
later the full-size US pick-ups. But these were effectively high cost
vehicles given their rarity and usage demands through the
1950s/60s/70s.
Howarth believed that
he could create a market targeted spiritual successor to the likes of
the legendary Citroen Mahari (light 4x4) and lesser known 'FAF', which were a breed of light vehicles
which themselves had used 2CV chassis, running gear and systems.
These parts had long been financially amortised as per tooling etc
and by the late 1970s were cheap off-the-shelf items.
These primary parts together with a general supporting structural body made from plywood sheet and polyurethane mouldings would supported the idea of a low-cost vehicle. The concept vehicle was constructed in California in 1976 – just as FAF was mid-point its lifespan – and proved functional as a daily runabout over the 2 years, before the project proper was under-way.
These primary parts together with a general supporting structural body made from plywood sheet and polyurethane mouldings would supported the idea of a low-cost vehicle. The concept vehicle was constructed in California in 1976 – just as FAF was mid-point its lifespan – and proved functional as a daily runabout over the 2 years, before the project proper was under-way.
[NB At this point
investment-auto-motives it seems plausible that there were very
probably West Coast interests (beyond Howarth) who sought a
“technology disruption” of the conventional auto-sector to
capture any such value-added. (See previous recent weblogs)].
Three prototypes were
built: two standard wheelbase 4-wheelers in car and pick-up guises
and a more novel 6-wheeler pick-up with extended wheelbase and glazed
van cargo area. These were tested via a long distance trek from the
Arctic Circle to Nairobi, Kenya spanning long distance and cold to hot climates, given much public attention with press and TV coverage, the logo of Britain's then new Channel 4 TV station prominent within the 'AFRICAR 1984' door graphic
After the apparent
successful test regime, plus Howarth's apparent patriotism that (after the BL story) Britain ought to invest within its home-grown motor industry (to off-set the economic might of London's financial
services sector) [a familiar call today], led to a new AFRICAR production facility established in
Lancaster, NW England.
[NB Though this in itself goes against the grain of local African production, even if for ongoing technical feasibility or promotional reasons. on such a simple vehicle-build project; possibly put in place to attract broader UK sourced funding streams]
[NB Though this in itself goes against the grain of local African production, even if for ongoing technical feasibility or promotional reasons. on such a simple vehicle-build project; possibly put in place to attract broader UK sourced funding streams]
Apparently detailed
reports highlighted the feasibility of the vehicle in both developing
and developed markets so broadening its scope.
However, the idealism
was not to last.
Whilst the concept on
paper appeared sound, and various smaller Asian state 'agreements in principle' had been affirmed for local manufacture, as well as oddly Australia, (possibly as a base for the pan Asian goal), financing and cashflow problems became problematic.
As for Australia, the
vehicle was the polar opposite of the large car, 4x4 and SUV
preferences of the great majority buyers and users, from GM and Ford
Utes to Toyota 75 series 'Troop Carriers' of the period, so quite
where the obvious target customers were was a complete mystery. As
seen with P76 above, they would stick with what they trusted and
suited.
Whilst the Burma (now Myanmar), Butan and Nepal (aswell as larger Bangladesh) had agreed in
principle to local manufacture, the fact is that the car had been designed for
generally flatter landscapes; three of these four places with much hilly geography which would have been too strenuous for the
relatively under-powered AFRICAR, negating proper use and causing
reliability problems, even if the original long distance prototype test argues otherwise.
Crucially, a new breed of African leaders sought to be seen by the wider-world, and
especially the West, as modern and contemporary nations which could
stand proud amongst others. Thus the idea that Africa be
broadly purveyed as a specialist economic case requiring specialist
solutions was an anathema to people's seeking modern ways and similar
transportation methods, whether public, and indeed especially
personal.
This political atmosphere, plus
the most importantly, the influx of hardy, easily maintained and repairable older Japanese
model imports from Europe, Japan and elsewhere – vans to
pick-ups to cars, often very over-laden but able to operate given
their “over-engineering” for durability – quickly obliterated
the apparent need for an AFRICAR ideology.
In this case,
globalisation's own demand and supply dynamics, though operating at
the lower-end of the obviously visible spectrum (at least for western
eyes) irrefutably altered the African market landscape for Howarth. This dynamic should not have gone unnoticed or possibly deliberately ignored.
Moreover, the manner by
which the project proceeded was highly questionable.
Including, what appears an unstated reverse engineering of a given (FAF) concept, then seeming progressed from a supposed clean sheet, when actually simply re-running the proven Citroen rationale from 50 years earlier. Plus the fact that it appears Howarth himself risked little finance and no collateral. Instead utilising a girlfriend's home and income as required collateral on a bank loan. itself spent on over-costly professional services at the banks insistance.
Overall, the project's approach and plan, and its funding methods and cost absorption rates (cash-burn) will have appeared concerning to any independent analyst of the time. The AFRICAR project ultimately posed more questions than it answered.
Including, what appears an unstated reverse engineering of a given (FAF) concept, then seeming progressed from a supposed clean sheet, when actually simply re-running the proven Citroen rationale from 50 years earlier. Plus the fact that it appears Howarth himself risked little finance and no collateral. Instead utilising a girlfriend's home and income as required collateral on a bank loan. itself spent on over-costly professional services at the banks insistance.
Overall, the project's approach and plan, and its funding methods and cost absorption rates (cash-burn) will have appeared concerning to any independent analyst of the time. The AFRICAR project ultimately posed more questions than it answered.
Proton's “Islamic
Car” -
Between the British and
Japanese powers during WW2, Malaysia has effectively sought to both
balance seek advantage from both western and eastern interests ever
since. Previously, as a central Asian domain, the country was also
much entwined with Chinese trade and commercial influence plus
Sino-population influx; this situation re-risen with the more recent
rise of China.
Throughout the latter
third of the 20th century Malaysia was on the path to
modernisation, putting in place infrastructure and industrial
development like the basic processing industries from which higher
value goods could be created to satisfy governmental, commercial and
private needs; including trucks, motorcycles and cars; as internal
fortunes and GDP grew
Seen as a high-point
during this period was the inauguration of the “National Car
Project”, which under the oversight of the government strategic
investment and development arm named Khazanah Nasional, came into
being in 1983, and named 'Proton'.
Proton Holdings Berhad
(referred to as Proton or Proton Cars) was formed from the joint
venture partnership between itself and Japan's Mitsubishi Motors, the
latter supplying the tooling, jigs etc to allow for the manufacture
of its vehicles.
The first 'National
Car' was the compact sized Proton Saga (based upon the Mitsubishi
Lancer/Colt). Interestingly, unlike similar agreements which only
allow for the utilisation of older vehicle designs, Mitsubishi
provided Proton with nigh-on new technology given that the car had
only been available for 2 years in Japan when it was released under
the Malaysian badge in 1985.
[NB an interesting
aspect of this vehicle package was the manner in which from the
internal rear passenger seating viewpoint, the middle of the car (the
'B posts') appeared slightly wider than normal, so providing for an
open environment for the small cabin].
This landmark car was
produced for 23 years as first Saga and updated Saga Iswara, and
became a Malaysian icon in its own right. From the beginning provided
a substantial income stream from which Proton sought bigger and
better ambitions for export growth.
Those monies allowed
Proton to develop an expanded range of vehicles, at first similarly
based upon direct Mitsubishi technology and tooling transfer, but
became more indigenous in design, vehicle engineering and engineering
production as Proton grew its own capabilities in-house; yet
maintaining the Mitsubishi JV (and other JV agreements) for specific
vehicle projects. This lead to a succession of vehicles including in
1995 Satria, Putra, 1996 Tiara (using Citroen's AX model), 2000 Waja,
2007 Persona, 2008 New Saga, 2009 Exora, 2010 Inspira (once again
deploying a later generation Mitsubishi Lancer), 2012 Prevé,
2013 Suprima S and new Perdana (using rebadged Honda Accord (for
government services only).
However,
confidentially, successive Proton executives would no doubt admit
that the process has been a constant battle given the micro and macro
headwinds faced from the early 1990s onward.
These
include the launch of Malaysia's '2nd
Car Company' in Perodua (with a Toyota-Daihatsu agreement with
technically good and affordable small cars, putting Proton and
Perodua at logger-heads as Saga decreased in price to maintain
marketshare, the lowering of import tariff rates aiding competitors,
the need to export production around Asia and beyond, and the 1997
Asian Financial Crash which massively damaged Malaysia's economy,
undermined its growth plans (eg delayed and shrunk Proton's original
1998 delivery date for the the multi-activity 'Proton City' in Perak
province to 2003).
In the midst of these
challenges, Proton realised it would need its own brand relevant USP.
One which circumnavigated the product, brand and general global
marketing strength of Western and Japanese firms; with also the
growth of S.Korea seeking to replicate Japan's success.
So a strategy which
avoided head-on collisions with the firmly entrenched and powerful,
and one which could also serve as a Malaysian national agenda vehicle
– internally and externally -given Proton's effective state
ownership.
Proton sought instead
to self-direct itself as distinctly different by deploying Malaysia's
Muslim cultural heritage so as to stand as a 'loud and proud'
purveyor of what was to be termed the ideology of the 'Islamic Car'.
Since its inception, the Proton logo was a representation of the
crescent moon and 14 pointed star taken from the national flag; the
crescent moon endemic to Muslim identity.
This seemingly heavily
religious bias stemmed from the then Prime Minister's desire to
re-balance what he saw as the overt cultural and so income bias of
globalisation toward western multi-nationals. Serving as PM between
1981 and 2003, Dr Mahathir Mohamad delivered the raft of change
required to transform Malaysia into a modern society. He was a strong
advocate of developing countries gaining greater autonomy from
western interests, and viewed the relatively advanced Malaysia as the
promoter (and in turn gainer) of such a ideology.
Central to this was the
idea that those Muslim countries could and should better co-operate
to raise their economic activities and global standing, with the deep
and broad value-chain of an Islamic Car Industry able to deliver the
ambition. Proton was to serve this goal.
Unsurprisingly an
alternative 'entry level' brand personality was devised for European
export hopes, with a modicum of success in the UK, but little
elsewhere These were intended to provide good unit and operating
margins from the FX differential, which could then be re-invested
both at home and help support the grander worldwide strategic plan.
But the cars with low prices and lower quality levels sold poorly in
such demanding EU markets and Proton became detrimentally known as a
fringe player, arguably damaging its reputation.
A positive note was the
Jumbuck small pick-up “ute” in Australia which echoed the
penchant for the 'Coupe Utilities' of the 1930s, and recently good
ANCAP scores (which may have been possibly subtly massaged given
Australia's desire to promote inward investment from Asia into its
own auto-sector).
However, export dreams
within Asia and the Middle East were better achieved, the pattern
growing throughout 1990s and early 2000s, which helped build a basic
network of distributors and dealers across the world at its peak, but
since retracted to 26 contries.
Foreign demand was
needed to offset the sales decline seen within Malaysia. Dropping
from 40% share in 2005 to 32% in 2005 given changes in National
Automotive Policy and what was seen as lagging product quality
issues, seeing Perodua take the market lead. By 2011 the domestic
share was 26% and by 2012 at 22%, declining again by 1.3% between
2012 and 2013.
Whilst exports to other
Asian and Middle-Eastern Muslim nations have been a patchwork of
good, middling and poorer, the company recognised that the “Muslim
Car” ideology was untenable. Since the markets in which Proton
wished to sell themselves also wanted to promote auto-sector FDI as
part of their own growth plans. Moreover, given the high costs of
vehicles, purchasers do so overwhelmingly on the basis of perceived
cost-benefit and relative social status. Both factors irrefutably
connected to the specific critical success factors within product
quality; and necessarily formulated within the overall and model
project business cases.
To this end,
recognising that it must strategically steer itself toward a better
tomorrow, as of 2004/5 the company altered its Muslim-esque logo to
that of a yellow tigers head within a green roundel upon a blue
shield, and then in 2007 undertook a JV with the Chinese company
Youngman to which it sent CKD kits for local Chinese assembly.
However, as seen
recently with the plummeting of Chinese branded vehicles, it seems
that once again Proton is being stymied by the innate global success
of the big western firms.
Since 2012 the company
has been held by DRB-HICOM, a publicly listed conglomerate with
additional interests in Malayisan contract manufacture of vehicles
for foreign multi-nationals, property and infrastructure. Exactly
where it goes from here will be a case of “watch this space”
Japan's Rigorous
Approach -
History foretells that
those corporations which have been not simply ambitious, but
crucially analytically adept at reading the cultural nuances of
various global markets, have better planned to reach their
international expansion goals.
By the mid 1960s it was
recognised by some leading automotive minds that far more cultural
learning than had been traditionally been present was required so to
provide success in foreign markets. Of course the more foreign and
culturally removed any company was relative to its target export
market, the greater the learning required.
Tasked with the post
WW2 export drive through the late 1950s and 1960s in consumer
electrical and vehicle markets, it was this innate 'foreigness' of
Japanese manufacturers relative to their target of North America,
which demanded and drove powerful new insights.
This difference spurred
many Japanese firms onward to effectively properly de-construct and
analyse. Not simply the general market sales data, nor the learning
from engineering 'tear-down' of successful competitor products, but
little by little to gain far more 'real-world' insights regards the
preferences, behaviour patterns and psychological drivers of its
prospective customers.
So aswell as Japan's
revival of Deming's teachings regards achieving high quality
production levels, Japan chose to truly appreciate the subtle often
unrecognised traits of American culture.
Beyond the initial
marketing success of the 1969 Datsun 240Z, was the work undertaken
prior to the launch of the 1989 Lexus LS400; a case study which
taught the western auto-sector about the vital importance of
“cultural and indeed multi-cultural learning”.
Such remarkable leaps
in consumer understanding were albeit slowly adopted by 'the best of
the west', often in a fragmented manner given the very different
philosophical approaches and methods between Japan and western
cultures.
[NB It was the Japanese
tendency toward obsession / perfection and the idiom of the “7
questions of why?” drawn from from zen-buddhism, which allowed a
deeper delving into prime consumer matters.
Invariably, Japan's
self-created advantage did have a general affect across all
manufacturers, and slowly the topic of extended consumer insight and
latterly cultural learning has taken hold as a distinct input –
albeit with varying competence - into the new vehicle development
process.
Today, as and when
feasible given budget constraints and managerial focus (ie
fire-fighting vs true strategic insights), the need to appreciate and
inject country and regional specific cultural learning is far better
recognised.
The following is a
short list of just some of the notable NPD (New Product Development)
cases that have been established; the best serving to promote what
has come to be known as in-house “Auto-Cultural Laboratories”
which exist typically interweaving the Marketing and Design
functions.
Notable NPD Case
Studies -
Lexus in California:
Toyota's efforts at
entry in the American and global luxury car segment would see a level
of research dedication never experienced within the auto-sector
either before or since. The 'flagship' project later named the LS400
would need to encapsulate all of the conscious and subconscious key
elements which as a whole would provide more than the sum of its
parts. Do do so, beyond coneventional analysis Toyota set out to get
under the skin of premium car buyers. Recognising that because of
sunny climate and social progressiveness, Californians were more
typically more experientially experimental and so less blinkered to
new offerings versus the typically more staid east-coast buyer.
To this end Toyota
deployed senior executives to for a necessarily extended period to
live as wealthy Californians. Their task to methodically understand
the American premium car universe, ranging from the quality and
nuances of competitor product from the Germans, Americans and
British, through to qualifying and quantifying those perceptional
constructs. Furthermore, in an anthropological manner, to
desconstruct the 'tribal' behaviour of the buyer set: from the
decibel levels of tyres upon freeway concrete that cause aural
annoyance to the social coding of golf-club car-park vehicle
heirachies, to owner interaction with car-parking valets and the
associated key-fob snobbery which exists at expensive restaurants, so
in turn affecting service levels.
This case study has by
now become well engrained in mindsets of auto-industry executives and
led to similar initiatives, though typically not as thorough, from
others seeking to mimic Toyota's success.
Mazda in California:
In the mid 1980s with a
need to break-out beyond its overtly conventional brand persona in
foreign markets, Mazda sought to create spiritual successor of the
discontinued small British and European sportscar.
The Austin-Healey
Sprite, MG Midget, Triumph Spitfire and Alfa Romeo Duetto
had been glamorous and affordable, but a fringe and heavily cyclical
breed. These and others had been lost after regional auto-production had been necessarily
rationalised and consolidated in the quest for mid 1970s corporate survival.
Moreover the
recessionary effects of the 1970s brought forth the mainstream introduction of hatchbacks like the Golf, Fiesta and Renault 5. These in turn spawned respectively GTI, XR2 and Grodini variants, which on cost and safety grounds, effectively replaced those earlier
open-topped sportscars.
In a bid to escape its staid character, Mazda sought the return of the affordable sportscar. It executives ran an
internal competition between its Japanese and US design studios, the
'truest' archetypical concept (assisted by the alloted
conventional vehicle packaging) derived from the unsurprisingly sunny
climbs of S. California; itself the target market.
The Miata/MX-5 was
internally recognised as to be a direct simulacrum / facsimile of
what had gone before, created from a similar 'purist' perspective.
However, to enhance the experience into a type of small sportscar
hyper-reality, the concept's details were philosophically aswell as
functionally deconstructed and analysed. The best known exercise of
this process being the first vehicle to receive scientific acoustic
tuning of the exhaust system.
Ford in Britain:
Whilst the blue oval
has had various design and concept engineering centres at the
Dearborn, USA HQ and elsewhere around the globe focused upon
vehicles, it was in Dunton, Essex in England (which had historically
had served the old Dagenham factory) that a philosophical cultural
leap forward was made.
Dunton's own workload
had reduced since its heyday serving Ford of Britain and its own
semi-dedicated cars, as Detroit sought to better coalesce and
co-ordinate the global car platform engineering mentality that
appeared with (RWD) Sierra/Topaz platform synergies and the Mk3 (FWD)
Escort. This had centred primary engineering work in Dearborn, USA
and Cologne, Germany.
Dunton itself became more engine development orientated, along with other specialist research and development work. But the facility also recognised its need for re-invention so as to remain useful within the blue oval empire. Part of
this self-re-invention of the early 1990s was an early internal appreciation
for the impact of future demographic trend change; specifically the
ageing populations of advanced nations.
This inevitable 'grey wave' would have a large effect on car buying preferences and behaviour to which Ford would need to respond.
This inevitable 'grey wave' would have a large effect on car buying preferences and behaviour to which Ford would need to respond.
Seniors knew its
own employees across Marketing, Engineering and Design - typically in
their 20s and 30s - would need to better appreciate the mindset and
lifestyle of this older buyer group. One important aspect was the physical effect of ageing, specifically the decrease of personal capabilities. Learning would be fed-into the design process.
With assistance from
appropriate academic institutions, the idea of possibly the first
“OAP suit” was born. A full-body prosthetic suit, which instead of
aiding motion, had the deliberate intention of restricting physical
prowess for the younger wearer. So as to metaphorically (though quite literally) “get
under the skin” of an older person, and his/her required
interactions with a potential new vehicle, both in the showroom and
during ownership.
The results of the
process fed into the dimensional and access/egress specifications of
a new generation of vehicles from the late 1990s onward – typically
taller cars with bigger door apertures - which were simultaneously
also advantageous to 'family functionality' for both the nuclear
family group and the extended family group (including grand-parents).
The OAP suit was
latterly adopted by other corporations for consumer testing and
development aswell as charities etc to demonstrate the effects of
ageing.
Peugeot in France:
In recognition of the
the dual trends of an ageing European population and the popularity
of micro-cars in France, PSA executives critically rationalised its
introduction of the wholly logical but somewhat unconventional
'tall-boy' 1007 city-car. With seating for 4 set within a short
wheelbase and easy entry and egress via a 2 large sliding doors, its
model specific business plan was enabled by the platform economies of
scale from its 'parent' cars (the 206 and C3).
Thus with a
super-mini's (B-C segment) vehicle width but short (near A-segment)
length, the package provided an altogether new offering to Europe.
Interestingly, given greatly lowered production / ex-factory cost
(indeed far lower as a CKD shipment) with its innate city-driving
advantages, it was also notionally considered as a near perfect car
for specific EM consumer types. However, it was judged as not
befitting PSA's own very necessary Peugeot EM brand introduction
strategy which sought to grow far beyond its Euro-centrism (ie
Dongfeng JV and shareholding) which means typically entering markets
with a more conventional mainstream market family sedan (see 301
model) and now upscale ranges (see DS).
With a lifetime volume
over 6 years of only 125,000 it was not commercially successful, but
like other unconventional cars (eg FIAT Multipla and Honda FRV)
broadened consumer horizons and appreciation.
[NB 'tall-boy' is an
originally English 18th century term for freestanding tall
chest firniture, but became a term promoted by the mid 1990s by the
Japanese with their own tall but short, yet high-volumetric
city-based kei cars)
FIAT in Brazil:
The Italian company has
been present in Brazil with indigenous production since the early
1970s, but it was in 2002 that the company recognised its new EM era
strategic needs. Namely to: a) reduce its global platform and local
product development costs, b) orientate itself further to its inroads
in LatAm, c) mould a new generation of Brazilian and Latin American
engineering and design staff and mangers so as to 'off-shore' Italian
research, styling and engineering work and d) increasingly infuse
local Brazilian and LatAm vehicles with regional performance
capabilities and regional character.
To
this end it created its Belo Horizonte facility in Minas state, so as
to establish a new prime markets orientated development base. Thus
far succcessfully contributing to global platform development and
more recent production of the “all Brazilian” Nuvo Uno.
However,
given its relatively short 12 year lifespan, and a focus upon ably
replicating Italian (and perhaps now America via Chrysler)
development processes, the centre itself will not as yet be so
experimental, and so culturally expert as the Toyota case study would
suggests is possible. Especially so, if as expected, it operates as a
locally funded cost centre, given the stagnancy of Brazilian vehicle
sales in recent years and so effect upon operating income and central
budget.
However,
given FIAT's need to remain as the region's #1 manufacturer, it will
no doubt seek to get yet deeper under the skin of Latin America to
promote and perhaps lead cultural relevance.
Rolls-Royce at the
'London Bank':
The 2003 Phantom model
– which effectively resuscitated the modern-day prestige of the
marque – was largely created from an especially created design
studio termed the “London Bank”, since it was based in an
ex-bank's offices.
The site supposedly chosen for its high security function, the project's secrecy being necessarily “vault-like”, the project encompassing “bullet-proof''engineering standards (though specified in Munich) and the final product being “like a safe” in its protection and cosseting.
The site supposedly chosen for its high security function, the project's secrecy being necessarily “vault-like”, the project encompassing “bullet-proof''engineering standards (though specified in Munich) and the final product being “like a safe” in its protection and cosseting.
To a lesser extend this
initiative has been replayed in Beijing, wherein local customer likes
and dislikes have been translated into China-only client cars; and
though far removed from RR's typical understatement in colour and
trim, is more muted than the very highly 'stylised' custom
preferences of various Arab clientèle.
Nissan 'London Roundel'
and Beijing Centre -
Seeking to capture from
the very source, the sociographic media, fashion and general trends
of design-centric London, Nissan opened its design centre (an adjunct
to its Bedfordshire engineering centre) in Paddington in 2003.
Its London home, named 'The Roundel' building (itself an old railway shed) itself has overtones of the design icon that is the London Underground logo. This and the American design centre were used as imspiration for the China located studio established in 2011 and expanded in 2013 to likewise capture Beijing's influential sociographic scene.
Its London home, named 'The Roundel' building (itself an old railway shed) itself has overtones of the design icon that is the London Underground logo. This and the American design centre were used as imspiration for the China located studio established in 2011 and expanded in 2013 to likewise capture Beijing's influential sociographic scene.
Renault Sao Poalo,
Mumbai and Togliatti:
Production in Brazil
started in 1997, but recognising its lag in LatAm markets versus the
dominance of FIAT, VW, GM and newer entrants from S.Korea, China and
India, the French company established 'Renault Design America Latina'
in the heart of Soa Poalo in 2008.
The same year, after a
short-lived production JV with Mahindra and Mahindra for Logan, a
design centre in Mumbai was opened, initially as an independent
operation that could form the concept work phases of its intention to
create a development and production JV with local corporation Bajaj
Auto.
This was announced as
the first dedicated Indian automotive design studio (in the western
manner) using 3-D modelling, interior bucks and full-size 'clay'
(modelled vehicle exterior). Similarly, with Renault's major equity
share in Russia's Avtovaz, and ambitions to remain the country's
preferred home-market brand, efforts to create a design base at the
large Togliatti plant have been underway.
Given their relatively
recent births, it seems that all studios and development processes
will be operationally grown in a phased systematic way to eventually
provide true like for like matches vis a vis the central Paris design
HQ.
Conclusion -
The 20th
century was largely a period in which those countries labelled either
'post-colonial' or 'developing', typically operating with a majority
of state controlled industries and commerce, had to be satisfied by
the provisioned vehicles imported from the major powers, be they
European, Russian or American.
For the much of the
century the comparatively rudimentary conditions of the then remote
areas meant that simple early era vehicle solutions, capable of
basic, capable and reliable performance sufficed. But into the 1960s
and beyond, their economic booms – though often short lives -
promoted nationalistic modernisation, often witnessing a manic effort
across state and private spending to quickly catch-up with the
general infrastructure and living standards of the advanced
countries. The quintessential city of Brazilia demonstrated that when
the opportunity arose it was taken, even if in its case somewhat
over-idealistically: as the far inland, overtly car-centric
bureaucratic metropolis with a areal layout based upon the silhouette
of the aeroplane.
Even so, such advances
were compelling not just to the respective populations and
governments, but also to the multi-national and start-up vehicle
firms who sought to stake their place in the economic evolution.
As time passed so the
in-market complexities of such countries grew, and as seen by those
case studies which exemplified poor strategic understanding, those
which were unable to understand the often obvious real-world needs
and expectations balanced against the often over-hyped national and
consumer readiness for change and tomorrow's 'advanced markets'
technologies.
Those auto-makers which
continued to re-wrap old technology under new skin typically served
the need for apparent modernisation but with the certainty of
necessary reliability. But obviously as infrastructures much improved
from the mid 1980s onward across China, SE Asia, S. America and
portions of Africa so an opportunity grew to at last properly attain
the industrial ideal of global platforms and so vehicles.
But with the
recognition that a certain degree of 'glocal' engineering would need
to be undertaken to gain necessary cost savings so as to reduce
showroom prices, provide dedicated (typically dual role) EM variants
and to ensure necessary ride and handling performance. This important
to not only provide for tarmac versus dirt-road conditions, but
critically to cope with the neglected and deteriorated conditions of
even relatively new tarmac roads of urban areas. The result of often
under-engineered road-paving resulting from local contract
profiteering; plus the fact that the boom and bust economies would
inevitably see a diminishing of infrastructure maintenance.
As EM prosperity
finally took long-lived hold from the mid 1990s onward – resulting
from the upward swing and long haul of the commodities cycle and
through economic policy reforms per industries and peoples – so at
long last EM regions were able to engender more stable national
economic agendas, invest in a new cycle of infrastructure development
and I doing so provide their consumers with the finances, confidence
and expectations previously only seen in Western, Japanese and
latterly S.Korean populations.
This then has hopefully
crystallised the notion that those politicians, industrialists and
consumers who exist further down the EM scale, far beyond the MINT
and CIVETS regions, have a no interest in being viewed by the outside
world as 'specialist developing world' cases along with dedicated
low-cost, self-build (and invariably under-capable) odd vehicles. For
all the humanitarianism such a project might convey [as seen] such
entrepreneurs may well promote seemingly ideal tailored vehicles with
apparent credibility, but their own passion might also be far greater
than their own business acumen, and at worst can be projects which
through launch and start-up actually better serve vested interests.
Extinguishing such
notions is the fact that today a far more trade-interactive,
digitally enabled and truly globalised world has moved on, and with
it negation of second-best goods, even if they necessarily contain
culturally orientated ingredients.
As seen with FIAT
engineering capabilities expansion in Brazil (and indeed
Volksawagen's long previous patronage of the country) and Renault in
India, the last decade has witnessed major auto-makers moving beyond
the single dimension of glocal production, building their own
cross-functional capabilities in prime markets from early phase
concept work to dealer-delivery with incressingly responsibility for
training an enlarging new workforce; one which is being formed to
properly replicate their homeland capabilities, in order to serve
primary, secondary and tertiary expanding EM markets.
To do so “the shoe
has been put on the other foot”, with western players now in the
role that Japan occupied during the 1960s (for mainstream) and again
in the 1980s (for luxury). It is the Westerners who must now
recognise that their innate foreigness must not be viewed as a
challenge, but as an opportunity to truly de-construct the obvious
and less obvious cultural characteristics of many new markets.
As witnessed, during
initial phases of consumption growth in the BRICS, newly arrived
(lower) middle-class purchasers will be enthralled with their ability
to choose what to them are new and aspirational goods of typically
better quality given higher price and historical research input.
Yet albeit slowly, as
the once novel becomes the norm for increasing numbers, those
trend-setting EM buyers will no longer wish to perpetuate the foreign
induced norm. Instead, even though global brands do indeed create
cross-cultural 'global tribes' (as seen with apple's iphone and
luxury goods), such leading -light influential consumers will as part
of their new national and personal confidence,lseek to better
reflect and re-affirm themselves entwined within their cultural
identit es, so setting-off new directions and threads for product and
services development and opportunity.
Instead of reacting to
such inevitable social reaction in due course, the global automakers
of today have hopefully recognised the need to leverage both their
innate foreigness, so as to question national and regional cultural
traits, yet also deploy their increasing local market knowledge,
through what will hopefully be a new era of holistic perspectives;
including the melding of Marketing, Engineering and Design mindsets so as to become much more than simply EM 'au fait'; instead far more
'tête-à-tête'.
All serious investor types - from large pensions and insurance institutionals to VEBA-like interests - will surely be those who view their interests as not just financial instruments but as fundamental ownership of the auto-business, should demand so.
All serious investor types - from large pensions and insurance institutionals to VEBA-like interests - will surely be those who view their interests as not just financial instruments but as fundamental ownership of the auto-business, should demand so.
Friday, 4 April 2014
Auto Industry Practice – EM Business Models – Multi-Cultural Learning (Part 1)
The crux of the
previous four part web-log highlighted the contextual importance of
today's multi-cultural mosaic, and sought to demonstrate how
corporate initiatives must be increasingly fine-tuned to befit the
“glocal” (consumer needs, wants and desires) within the ever more
digitally enhanced, reality augmented and so hyper-real 'global village'.
It also illustrated the
post-modern tendency for self-reference, an essential element of an
ever deepening realm of semiotics within physical, virtual
screen-based and today merged 'augmented reality' worlds.
Seemingly operating as
part of the required cost containment strategy, this especially
pertinent during this period of economic growth constraint, a
rational which spans various enterprises: from the duplication of
specific shopping mall layouts and structures to the re-deployment of
digitally produced characters across successive animated films.
EM Influences -
Direct replication of
products through imports and localised manufacture (thereafter adding
associated consumer services) has been the modus operandi of the
major automotive players over the decades; as new growth markets have
willingly absorbed 'predestined vehicles' with modest modification.
Today however, a trend
has begun by which EM customers seek-out the psychological
reassurance of the 'quality guarantee' given by internationally
renowned brands, but likewise increasingly desire more culturally
attuned ingredients and formulae.
Indeed, auto-makers'
own recognition that certain EM countries and regions are now as
fundamentally important to corporate revenue and profits as AM
countries have been, means that EM market sensitivity has increased
many-fold.
This illustrated by the
very fact that various German vehicle marques have already been seen
to utilise styling traits with more Asiatic appeal and
experimentation into their once far more conventional brand-formula
restricted products.
Whilst the credit
expansion excesses of the previous hyper-growth Chinese consumer
society for a while underpinned its indigenous new vehicle brands.
However, the fact that most such homeland vehicles were based upon
old engineering platforms and low profit margins to try and capture
market share, meant that when the economy slowed the vehicle market
consisted of those credit-worthy, mainstream (private, company and
fleet) vehicle buyers who continued to seek-out better quality
vehicles with sound financial rationale (eg residual values, contract
types etc). Vehicles offered by the major Sino-Western joint venture
companies.
Yet, as the more
deliberately exuberant (often Euro+) styling of smaller Chinese
domestics flailed under intense competition, so the large corporates
injected subtle indigenous cultural cues into their products to
provide a flair of local flavour.
The seemingly globally
generic vehicle, once engineered for unaltered reproduction, has
itself becoming slowly 'glocalised'.
Route A: “Conventional
Glocalisation” -
The multi-national
desire for increased 'glocalisation' to date has naturally stems from
the dual advantages gained from globalised economies of scale (in
primary systems components) and a local affinity underlying local
product appeal in aesthetics and over-all user experience (eg vehicle
performance and associated technological content).
This then replays the
developing markets scenario as seen in previous eras, but obviously
now with greater in-market sensitivity. Importantly, the move from EM
markets' previous acceptance of effectively 'de-contented' vehicles
(to reach yesteryear affordable price points) toward today's elevated
buyer expectations nigh on par with western product content standards
(less regulatory in-car requirements)
As seen, the ability to
to do so created by localised lower-cost manufacturing hubs within EM
countries, consisting of major VMs, their western counterpart Tier 1
suppliers, and the raising of standards amongst local Tier 2
suppliers to meet quality demands.
This may be termed
'Route A' and called “Conventional Glocalisation” since it relies
upon the respective business model pillars of: aligned local supply
chain, scale economies of global production and local marketing
capability.
But as seen, this now
very engrained approach has had critical portions of its business
template heavily eroded.
The previous yesteryear
rational becomes gradually altered by the substantial success of
prime EM nations, via both investment and production based 'supply
push' and private earnings and credit fuelled 'demand pull'. Today at
the point where the once innate difference in AM vs prime EM cost
structures have shrunk substantially.
So whilst creating a
more economically balanced world and also providing for western
're-shoring' opportunities, to replay 'conventional glocalisation'
requires the availability of what have now been termed “lower order
EMs” and “pioneer economies”; themselves expected to reach a
tipping point from historical economic stagnation toward growth
thanks to capital market friendly policy reforms and so inward
foreign investment.
However, whilst the
BRIC and CIVETS nations do indeed have further 're-play'
opportunities from their own untapped regions, it appears likely that
the remaining smaller EM nations across S. America, Africa, the CIS
and fringe Asia arguably offer less productive capacity than than the
astonishing levels seen by the prime EMs during the early 1990s to
2008.
This then means that
new perspectives regards the business models behind global and glocal
production and consumption will be required.
One possibility is what
investment-auto-motives terms “Progressive Glocalisation”.
Route B: “Progressive
'Glocalisation” -
(New Thinking, Toward New Horizons)
This (admittedly purely
conjectural and somewhat far fetched idea) posits the notion that a
type of visually based 'Lingua Franca' might be created by
multi-national corporations - individually or in harmony - acting in
a progressive “social totem” guise, to attract an increasingly
digitally immersed, visually cognitive global consumer.
This possibly achieved
through applying an ever widening palette of signs and symbols drawn
from the world's own spectrum of multi-culturalism.
Such visual short-hand
equivalent perhaps to basic Esperanto in its ambitions, but
ostensibly without the communicative depth gained from the ongoing
world-wide adoption of English. Instead with more significant and
indeed signifying immediacy. Though if successful it could ultimately
lead to a new era of complex hieroglyphs – a suite of visual
elements underpinning a cognitive association behind an icon based
global language.
This progress part of a
new era of 'glocalisation' with expanded multi-cultural and
cross-cultural interaction propelled by the strengthening worldwide
commercial application of 'cultural streaming'; which in a 'global
village' would gain an increasingly important role across corporate
value creation and so successful global capitalism.
Increasing Cultural
Complexity -
Though we seemingly
live upon a cyber-unified planet the fact is that a myriad of
expanding cultural identities exist. Beyond the given basics of
ethnic background, religion and nationality, lay trends toward
geographic localism (eg West Ukraine and Crimea), the influence of
any associated revived languages, and perhaps more crucially the
web's own promotion of distinct on-line communities becoming seen as
virtual tribes., The seemingly smaller 'global village' then has
become arguably yet more complex.
And whilst major
nations have absorbed ever more divergent immigrant peoples to
sustain their own economic basis, the progeny of such people with
dual (or more) cultural perspectives and identities, plus those
attributes of the seemingly self-created personal identity - though
often drawn from a manufactured popular culture itself - adds to the
fragmentation of, and so blurs, society's 'cultural mosaic'.
Invariably with such
numerous influences the very idea of any singular cultural
affiliation and so singular identity has become problematic, if not
actually defunct, with beyond immediate birth nationality, and family
ancestry, the addition of many tertiary cultural layers.
A cross-pollination of
peoples, cultures, behaviour and perspectives has of course been with
humanity since its earliest days, with as seen time after time, the
adoption and adaption of specific cultural norms and phenomenon may
occur to enable any one group's own culture-melding agenda.
At a personal and close
group level there may prevail via local first name adoption with
surname adaption by those groups seeking new societal acceptance, yet
held 'within' and very separate from usual social interaction, may be
secretive 'nourishment' of a core identity within their own community
to maintain their over-riding core-community loyalty, far beyond any
other association. Specific supposedly marginalised religious groups
with constant tribal ratification obviously the most fervent and so
invariably socially separatist.
At the societal level
common cultures are changed by altering norms.
Most obviously is the
effect of immigration as what seem stable, traditional cultures
absorb new economic participants which bring their own ways and
crucially differences This typically exacerbated by the fact that
immigrants tend to be younger people with often their own youthful
tendencies coupled with the drive of personal ambition for economic
success. Thus invariably creating tensions with the previously
comfortable and often over-complacent indigenous population.
In the West – and to
the dismay of many EM nations – has been the rise of gay rights.
Here in the UK after years of activism and calls for gay absorption
into the norm, the very recent watershed event of homosexual and
lesbian civil marriage was made law in the UK. This event undoubtedly
resulting the now long sustained, highly influential efforts of the
mass-media, whereby 'new norms' are televised as conventional and
thus slowly absorbed by much of the public long before they are
seemingly ratified by the establishment.
Culture Forming -
But such new
'culture-forming' itself poses issues.
Again here in Britain
here are no doubt many within the religious and non-religious realms
of the 'silent majority' who believe that the once well intended
thrust of 1960s political correctness has extended far beyond its
original intent of fairness to all colours, creeds and inclinations.
With today the effective eradicated - through media 'demonisation' -
those opposing promoted viewpoints, whether that be upon immigration,
homosexuality etc. So the advent of what may be termed 'illiberal
libertarianism', or paradoxically 'facist liberalism', where a
climate of true, necessarily mature, free-speech is diminished or
possibly labelled 'hate speech'.
These are but a few
social dynamics with major cultural bearing that have evolved within
micro and macro spheres.
And yet further, as
noted by some insightful social commentators in the West, just as
society fragments into ever more specialist interest groups, and so
sub-identities, so such consequentially small, marginalised entities,
promote their own interests by seeing and portraying themselves as
what may be termed 'societal victims', with such resonating language
deployed. Thus apparent sufferers instead become 'survivors' which in
turn more closely knits together the emotions of the specific group.
Exactly how such an
identity-fragmented and seemingly lobbyist, self-interested society
can be understood en mass by the individual, the public at large,
governmental policy-makers and corporate enterprise is the pertinent
question of today.
The ongoing tribal
shattering of once distinct mega-tribes such as countries such the
USA, Canada, UK, Germany, France, Italy, Denmark etc, invariably
indicates that more complex, newer tribal identities and links are
being grown by the enabling function of cyber-space
So it seems that these
more newly evolved multi-layered 'complex identities' are being
formed and promoted, the nigh on singular identities of old which is
today's convention – most prominently that of nationality – is
being subtly eroded.
This is the concern
that various EM countries apparently hold, the core worry regards the
possible diminishing of their national and religious identities
perpetuated by America's corporate hold over the internet and its
future.
Common Commercial Links
-
Thus for all societies
and so the world at large, the workings of internal and external
forces continue to reshape the very essence of 'culture'.
None more so than the
direct and indirect influences of commercially orientated
mass-consumerism; which over the preceding 150 years or so of so has
become the for want of a better phrase been seen as “the new
church” or “new religion” by social commentators.
Whilst lambasted, it
acts as perhaps the only unifying “global religion”, where what
are otherwise often distinctly different social groups, and possibly
very different mindsets, meet.
At the most basic
level, there may be the unrecognised meeting of minds between 'poor'
and 'rich' individuals who share similar responsibilities. Such as
the African township mother who is able to feed her child, though
only once a week, on the same branded high-nutrition baby-powder
which her counterpart American suburban mother feeds her child three
times a day. (Yes this is an overtly stereotypical picture, but still
an unfortunate truth within our re-balancing world).
And in a very different
realm, the ironic but mutually well recognised meeting of minds
between two culturally very different persons who happen to share the
same lifestyle. The up-scale shopping areas of most major city
centres are typically inhabited by seemingly very culturally
different but nonetheless similarly attuned wealthy people who share
similar fashion and lifestyle interests. Herein, London's Sloane
Street juxtaposes the ironic schism of inbound British weekend
tourists with resident foreign Arabs and Chinese; and whereby the
scantily dressed young Cheshire 'WAG' may covet the designer handbag
of an older Saudi Arabian lady wrapped in full-cover dress. (Or
indeed vice versa). For a time the social difference is diminished by
the commercially generated shared interest.
The Car as
Multi-Cultural Icon -
Similarly, a previous
web-log looked at the broadly socially positive, but unfortunately
neighbourhood negative, affects of what has informally become the
spring/summer (arguably very cross-cultural) event that is the 'Arab
Supercar Invasion'.
This effectively
promoted by the younger sons of wealthy Middle-Eastern families who
travel primarily to London and Paris for their more liberated summer
vacations.
[NB Such individuals
and families form a significant element of the British-Arabic
diplomatic entente-cordial, which itself underpins the 'recycling' of
the “Petro/Gas-Pound” into the services based sub-economy of SW3
and broader central London]
Though the arrival of
the noisy cars invariably creates local tensions amongst residents
(who do have good reason to complain) it is also undoubted that the
free to view supercar show has undoubtedly become a significant part
of the tourism draw. Even if not on the official sightseeing tour for
visiting foreigners, it undoubtedly adds spectacle, and for many
British tourist families added great excitement during their London
visit. The visual and aural thrills of Bugattis, Lamborghinis,
Ferrari's, Maseratis, Bentleys, Rolls-Royces, Aston Martins, Mercedes-AMGs, Porsches, McLarens
and more - for good or ill – is as memorable (if not more so) than
much of what is seen within the walls of near-by museums and
galleries.
The cars viewed by the
thronging crowds as modern mechanical marvels, as magnificent
motorised masterpieces; and although there will invariably be
unpleasant jibes about “the rich Arabs” by some gawpers, for a
time the mutually shared interest in such vehicles eradicates the
apparent gulf of supposed cultural differences between Anglos and
Arabs
The high arts within
the 'new religion' that is consumerism actually draws separate
peoples closer together.
Back to the EM Populist
Dream -
Although such marques
and models represent the pinnacle of automotive engineering in a very
specific social context of great wealth, and does promote the
positivity of melded cultures, the global reality is very, very
different.
Fact is, for millions
of people living in 'the real world' within BRIC, CIVETS and lower
league 'pioneer' countries, their dreams and aspiration centre around
not around the perceived ridiculousness of hyper-cars or super-cars,
but eventual ownership of four wheels which provides for family and
commercial needs, functional safety and comfort, all within what to
AM countries is considered a mundane vehicle, but life altering
nonetheless.
Obviously as such
economies continue to grow, weathering the slowed phases such as
today, this offers an immense opportunity for those auto-makers that
can create the right vehicles. As was the yesteryear remit of the
Model T, Beetle etc, followed by the GOL. Today a primary strategic
initiative for most auto-manufacturers: from TATA's seemingly the
visionary Nano, to the many other domestic and foreign VMs which
seek to (unlike Nano) typically incorporate their EM entry level
vehicles into either their respective indigenous or global business
models.
But identifying exactly
the right fundamental DNA for the archetype 'glocal' vehicle' is a
complex and hard task, made all the harder by the ever increasing
PESTEL complexities inside EM and AM societies, as well as those that
both conjoin and separate them.
To Follow -
Thus far this weblog
has simplistically commentated upon: the increasingly powerful
influence of EM countries upon multi-national companies, the basic
corporate mentality toward creating a successful 'glocal' business
model, the manner by which global economic re-balancing has and will
further impact upon such conventional business wisdom (Route A), the
need to re-think the very philosophy that is 'glocalisation' to
create new multi-faceted merged opportunities (Route B), this set
within the challenge/opportunity of increased cultural complexity as
'layered' personal identities emerge, the mention of just a few of
the many social trends which re-make societies, the manner in which
consumerism actually acts as far more of a social glue than has
perhaps been recognised, highlighted by one specific and organically
emerged social phenomenon, and how even that 'pinnacle' is but a drop
in the ocean of consumer aspiration across the EM world.
In order to better
understand how auto-makers might best approach the subject that is
'glocalism', the following Part 2 seeks to simplistically review the
way in which auto-sector business and product strategy must evolve if
it is to meet the 'glocalisation' challenge; as understood today and
into tomorrow.
Providing insight into:
- Early era efforts of
auto-globalisation
- Case studies of
ill-contrived 'glocal' business plans
- The rigour of Japan's
“deep knowledge” approach
- Examples of
well-contrived new product development
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)